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Personal Reminiscences 



OF 



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James Af Scrymser 



In Times of Peace and War 






Copyright, 1915 
By JAMES A. SCRYMSER 



MAR li 1915 ' 
©CI.A397083 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



^ James A. Scrymser. 

The Engineer Corps, Twelfth New York Militia, in the 
Civil War. 

'^Major-General Francis C. Barlow, U. S. A. 
^ Letter of General Smith to Captain Scrymser. 
"^ The Rally of the Vermont Brigade. 
1/ Major-General WiUiam Farrar Smith, U. S. A. 
^ John Pierpont Morgan. 
^ Chapel at West Point. 
^ Washington Statue. 

^ Picture of Grand Review of the Japanese Army, with Field 
Marshal Oyama's Signatiu-e. 
•^Century House, Harlem River, 1861. 
•^Alfred Pell. 
^ Central and South American Telegraph Co. Building, 

Buenos Aires, Argentine. 
• Cable Map. 
V' Genius of Electricity. 
\/ Covmt Ferdinand de Lesseps. 
v Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, D.D. 
k/ United Charities Building, New York City. 
/ The Memorial to the Heroic Women of the Civil War, 
Washington. The Headquarters of the American 
Red Cross, 
l/^iss Mabel T. Boardman. 



FOREWORD 



This book of personal reminiscences and comment is pub- 
lished for my friends. 

From time to time I have related incidents of the Civil War 
and of my activities after the War, and numerous friends have been 
good enough to suggest their compilation in book form. 

Inasmuch as the book is for private circulation only — among 
friends — its readers will, I am sure, be lenient in their judgment of 
both its defects and the necessary frequent intrusion of the "first 
person." 

If an3rtliing be found between the covers of this book which 
shall prove of interest to any of my old comrades or acquaintances, 
or an incentive to any of my yoimger friends to be ever on the 
alert to "seize the opportunity" — the ability to do so being the 
keynote of success — I shall be satisfied. 

JAMES A. SCRYMSER 
New York, February, 19 15 



CONTENTS 

Page 

In the Civn^ War: 

General and Mrs. Francis C. Barlow 9 

Brief Synopsis of My Civil War Service 14 

The Opinion of tlie Fort Sumter Confederates Regarding the 

Seventh Regiment of New York 16 

In President Lincoln's Kitchen 17 

General Franklin's Prophecy 19 

Lieutenant George A. Custer 20 

Near Richmond, June, 1862 22 

The Recovered Gun 26 

The Retreat from Malvern Hill 29 

The Rally of the Vermont Brigade 31 

The Ending of the Battle of Antietam 34 

The Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation 36 

The Army of the Potomac "Not Demoralized" 38 

General "Ben" Butler 39 

Mr. Choate's "Argument" in the General Fitz-John Porter Re- 
Hearing 40 

The "Great Conspiracy" 41 

Citizenry-Trained Soldiers 42 

Miscellaneous Incidents: 

Mayor Hewitt in England 43 

"English as She is Spoke" 44 

Hon. Roscoe Conkling 45 

Public Schools in England 46 

Interview with Baron De Rothschild 4^ 

The Minister of the Interior 51 

A Hired Coach and Livery in the City of Mexico 53 

Namesakes 55 

J. P. Morgan and President Cleveland's Anti-Bond Issue 56 

A Dinner in Honor of General Scott and Admiral Farragut 58 

West Point 59 

The Use of "Influence" 62 

Cuban Independence 64 

Field Marshal Oyama 66 

The History of Three Cable Companies: 

International Ocean Telegraph Company 67 

Mexican Telegraph Company 75 



Page 

Central and South American Telegraph Company 77 

Map of the Mexican and Central and South American Telegraph 

Co.'s Systems 79 

"Genius of Electricity" 80 

Extension to Brazil 81 

Side-Lights on Cable Management 83 

Wireless Competition 85 

Mr. Jay Gould's Opposition 86 

Count Ferdinand de Lesseps 89 

Value of American-Owned Cables to the American Government and 
Necessity of Governmental Jurisdiction: 

Cable Connections during the Spanish American War 92 

Wireless Telegraphy 102 

Landing of Original French Cable Company 106 

Civic Interests and Charities : 

The Parkhurst Campaign, "Lest We Forget" 109 

Public Schools in New York 126 

Vacation Schools I35 

United Charities Building 137 

Memorial to the Women of the Civil War: 

American Red Cross Building, in Washington 139 



General and Mrs. Francis C. Barlow 



IN July, i860, there was a party of young men who made a daily 
trip on the steamboat "Edwin," then plying between New York 
and Yonkers. As one may imagine, the conversations at that 
time were decidedly animated. Lincoln and Hamlin and Bell 
and Everett had just been nominated by their respective parties 
and, of course, politics was the chief talk of the day. 

One of the party was Francis C. Barlow, a brilliant Harvard 
graduate and subsequently a Major-General in the United States 
Army. Barlow was a close personal friend of mine and we saw 
much of each other in those days. 

One afternoon the political discussion became serious. It 
was a time for sober-mindedness. I remember Barlow particu- 
larly that day. He was a good listener and had little to say but 
when he did speak he commanded attention. After a rather 
heated discussion. Barlow interrupted by saying, "You may talk 
politics until you are deaf and dumb but slavery in this country 
can be ended only by war, and war is sure to come, and all of you 
must be prepared to enlist." I replied, "Frank, I will, if you will." 

Nine months later President Lincoln issued his call for seventy- 
five thousand volunteers! 

I shall never forget April 20, 1861, nor a note I received from 
Barlow bearing the date. The note simply read: 

The time has come, remember your promise. Meet me at Del- 
monico's at four o'clock to-day, Saturday, and we will enlist. 

F. C. Barlow. 

We met promptly at foiu- o'clock at the appointed place and 
wandered up Broadway. That thoroughfare was a glorious sight; 
many of the buildings were decorated with flags and patriotic em- 
blems and the martial spirit was everywhere in evidence. Re- 
cruiting squads, with fife and drums and flags, were parading the 



street with recruits and these recruits were later escorted to the 
armories and there enrolled. 

Barlow and I had formed no definite plan of enlisting and de- 
cided to look around before doing so. We visited several armories, 
finally arriving in front of the Twelfth New York State Militia 
Armory, Colonel Daniel Butterfield. The Twelfth Regiment 
Armory was on Broadway just north of the old Metropolitan 
Hotel. 

On the doorstep of the armory I recognized a friend of mine, 
Capt. Alfred Jones, in gorgeous uniform. I hailed him and asked 
what regiment he belonged to and what was his rank? Jones re- 
plied, "It's the Twelfth Regiment of New York and I am its Chap- 
lain and it's a d — n good regiment!" 

The remark seemed to captivate Barlow, who declared that 
a regiment that had a Chaplain who could swear was the regiment 
in which we should enlist, and enlist we did, in the engineer corps 
as Third Sergeants. The Company Sergeant ordered us to report 
at midnight. Barlow demmred slightly to this order, explaining 
to the Sergeant that he was going uptown to be married. He 
promised, however, to report for duty at daylight the next 
morning. 

The following morning, Sunday, April 21st, the Twelfth 
Regiment, one thousand strong, was deployed on Union Square, 
the right resting on Fourteenth Street. It was an exciting time: 
crowds were rushing to and fro, goodbyes were being said and 
enthusiastic "God bless yous" were heard on every side. 

On the corner of Fourteenth Street and Broadway I noticed 
a lady, dressed in black and crying, and was surprised to see that 
she was joined in a few minutes by my friend Barlow. Barlow 
straightway called me and presented me to his "bride," Mrs. 
Francis C. Barlow nee Miss Arabella Griffiths. Barlow looked 
like anything but a married man. He did not appear to be more 
than twenty years of age, looked liked a boy, and weighed less than 
135 pounds. 

The regiment sailed that noon on the steamship "Baltic" for 
Annapolis, Maryland. 

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The next time that I saw Mrs. Barlow was in Washington, in 
May, 1 86 1, at the Twelfth Regiment camp. Barlow had been 
commissioned a Captain and, with the regiment, had been trans- 
ferred to Harpers Ferry. I was left in charge of the camp guard 
at Washington. 

On a Sunday morning I was at the guard house and overheard 
Mrs. Barlow insisting upon her right to visit the late quarters of 
her husband, Capt. Barlow. I heard the Sergeant of the Guard 
reply, "Madame, you can't play that on me; that boy is no hus- 
band of your'n." I then appeared upon the scene and was able 
to relieve Mrs. Barlow's embarrassment and testify to the fact that 
she was Capt. Barlow's wife, so securing her admittance to the 
camp. 

I did not see Mrs. Barlow again for over a year, when we met 
on the Hagerstown Turnpike, about a mile north of Dunker 
Church — during the Battle of Antietam, September 17, 1862. 
Mrs. Barlow had left Hagerstown at midnight, accompanied by a 
negro servant with a wheelbarrow on which was her trunk and a 
bandbox. 

The battle was raging with fury for two miles to the south of 
us and the Hagerstown Road was necessarily exposed to the ar- 
tillery fire of both armies. Realizing her danger, I escorted Mrs. 
Barlow well to the east of the high-road and directed her to a field 
hospital at Mummas Farm. 

About noon, I saw Barlow, terribly wounded, being carried 
on a stretcher and I arranged immediately to have Mrs. Barlow 
join him. By her careful nursing his life was saved. 

The next appearance of Mrs. Barlow, of which I have knowl- 
edge, was at the Battle of Gettysburg, in July, 1863. There, in 
a most heroic manner, she again saved her husband's life. General 
Barlow was seriously wounded in the first day's battle, July ist, 
while serving under General Reynolds. General Barlow's com- 
mand, a division, had fallen back and in doing so were obliged to 
leave General Barlow on the roadside crossing of the Gettysburg 
and Carlisle Roads. While General Barlow was lying there, the 
Confederate Generals, Early and Gordon, passed by with a troop 
of cavalry. Gordon discovered Barlow by the roadside and re- 
marked, within Barlow's hearing, "General Early, there is a 

II 



Yankee General, perhaps we can do something for him." General 
Early looked at Barlow and replied, "No, he is too far gone." 
Thereupon Barlow raised himself upon his elbow, with difficulty, 
and, shaking his fist, said, "General Early, I will live to lick you 
yet, damn you." General Gordon then dismounted and gave 
Barlow a drink from his flask. Barlow took from his coat pocket 
a batch of letters, saying, "General Gordon, these letters are from 
my wife; if I die, destroy them; if I live, keep them for me." 

At this time, Mrs. Barlow was with General Hancock's com- 
mand which, it will be recalled, did not reach Gettysburg until the 
evening of the first day's fight. Hearing of General Barlow's in- 
jury, Mrs. Barlow begged General Hancock for permission to pass 
through the lines to care for her husband. General Hancock, 
fearing that the enemy would learn that the Army of the Potomac 
was then concentrated at Gettysburg, refused permission. Noth- 
ing daunted, Mrs. Barlow herself found the way to Gulp's Hill, 
where the lines were very close together and, at daylight on July 
2nd, she ran from our side to the enemy's, and it is said both sides 
fired on her. She was not hurt, however, and within half an hour 
she was with her husband and her nursing and tender care were 
undoubtedly the means of again saving General Barlow for the 
Union cause. 

Right here, it is interesting to make note of the fact that in 
the Battle of the Wilderness, in May, 1864, General Barlow ful- 
filled his threat to General Early and succeeded in capturing most 
of General Early's command and sixteen of his guns. Barlow 
himself was desperately wounded, for the third time. He was 
transferred to a Washington hospital on a Sanitary Commission 
steamboat, via Aquia Creek. During the trip, he was interviewed 
by an elderly Sanitary Commission officer, who tenderly asked, 
"My dear boy, are you badly wounded?" Imagine the elderly 
officer's astonishment when Barlow replied: "I am not a boy, I am 
a Major-General of the United States Army!" 

At the Washington hospital, he was again nursed to life and 
health by his noble wife. This heroic woman died of camp fever 
shortly before the close of the war. Mrs. Barlow's services to the 
Union can never be fully appreciated. She was but one of that 
noble army of loyal women whose lives of coiurage, service and 

12 




MAJOR-GENERAL FRANCIS C. BARLOW 

General Barlow is on the extreme left of the picture, leaning against a tree 

From the "Photographic History of the Civil War," reproduced by permission 

of the Review of Reviews Co. 

Copyright, 1911, by Review of Reviews Co. 



sacrifice did so much for the cause of the Union in the dark days 
of the Civil War. The heroism of Mrs. Barlow inspired my sug- 
gestion of a memorial in Washington, to the memory of the women 
of the Civil War, referred to in another article. 

After the war, General Barlow was elected Attorney-General 
of the State of New York and, later. Secretary of State. 

General Barlow died in 1896. During his illness and par- 
ticularly just before his death, I saw him frequently. In my last 
interview with him our conversation drifted back to the early days 
of the war. General Barlow frequently spoke of his wife, "Ara- 
bella," as he called her, and I remember well his prophecy at that 
moment — that the time would come when the finest monument in 
this country would be built to the memory of the loyal women of 
the Civil War. Despite his illness. General Barlow grew enthusi- 
astic upon the subject and said that some one should take the lead 
in reminding the country of the immense debt of gratitude which 
it owed to the heroic women of the war and I then and there 
promised him that I would do all that I could do to carry out his 
wishes and to see that his prophecy was fulfilled. 



13 



Brief Synopsis of My Civil War Service 



IN the preceding article I have referred to my enlistment April 
20, 1 86 1, in the Twelfth Regiment of New York and its de- 
parture for the front. 

In June, 1861, the Twelfth was stationed near Fairfax Sem- 
inary, Virginia. Shortly after our arrival there a Captain Smith 
of the Topographical Engineers, United States Army (subse- 
quently Major-General William F. Smith), applied to Colonel 
Butterfield, of the Twelfth, for an assistant, to aid him in his 
surveying work preparatory to the construction of fortifications 
west of Alexandria, on Fairfax Heights. 

It fell to my lot to be detailed to assist Captain Smith and 
a large part of my work consisted in taking field notes of his sur- 
veys. I served with him, in this way, for about two weeks. The 
Twelfth Regiment returned to New York in August, 1861, having 
served its period of enlistment, three months. 

In the month of September following, I was surprised to 
receive a note from Captain Smith informing me that he had been 
nominated as a Brigadier-General and, as such, would have com- 
mand of the Vermont Brigade. The note recalled the services 
which I had rendered as his assistant in the field surveys, two 
months earlier, and contained a very kind offer of a position as 
Captain and Aide-de-Camp in his military family. 

Under the Army regulations of that period, the Commanding 
General of the Army had the appointment of forty Captains and 
Aide-de-Camps, to be detailed to serve as such with the various 
Division and Brigade Commanders of the Commanding General. 
It seems that the Congress of the United States jumped at the 
conclusion that these forty Captains and Aide-de-Camps were 
to serve solely on the staff of General McClellan and this resulted 
finally in the repeal of the Army regulation referred to. In con- 
sequence, my appointment as Captain and Aide-de-Camp was 
officially annulled and I had the pleasure of serving as Captain and 

14 



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Aide-de-Camp for about four months without either oflBcial rank 
or pay. 

General Smith obtained for me a Lieutenancy in the Forty- 
third New York Volunteers and had me detailed and nominated 
as a Captain and Aide-de-Camp on his staff. I served in this 
capacity until February 26, 1863, at which time I resigned, General 
Smith having been assigned to civil duty in the Department of 
the Gulf, to investigate the doings of Generals Butler and Banks. 
In this investigation he was assisted by Honorable James T. 
Brady, an eminent New York lawyer. 

In April, 1864, General Smith was assigned to the command 
of a division in the Army of the James commanded by General 
Benjamin F. Butler, whom he had investigated a year before. 
Upon this assignment of General Smith I volunteered to serve 
and was in the official orders named as Volunteer Captain until 
June, 1864. 

In my Civil War career I served in the Battles of Yorktown, 
Williamsbm-g, Mechanics ville, Seven Pines, Gaines Mill, Garnett's 
Farm, Savage Station, White Oak Swamp, Malvern Hill, Second 
Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Cold Harbor, Balls Bluff, 
Petersburg, and many skirmishes. 

Later, because of differences between General Smith and 
General Butler, the former was relieved of his command, where- 
upon I resigned my volunteer service. General Smith was sub- 
sequently appointed Chief Engineer in the Army of the Cumber- 
land in which position he planned and directed the operations 
which led to the Battles of Lookout Mountain and Missionary 
Ridge and the relief of Chattanooga. 

None of General Smith's staff received any brevet rank for 
their services in the War of the Rebellion. This was due to 
General Smith's failure to file his recommendations with the 
War Department in time. When these recommendations were 
finally filed they were outlawed by an act of Congress, March i, 
1869, which provided that on and after that date commissions 
by brevet should be conferred only in time of war. 



15 



The Opinion of the Fort Sumter Confederates Re- 
garding the Seventh Regiment of New York 



5H0RTLY after the fall of Fort Sumter, the citizens of Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, tendered a banquet, at the Pulaski 
House, to the Southern officers who commanded the batteries 
which caused the sturrender. Among those present at the banquet 
was Mr. Samuel Ward, of New York, who has told this story. 

It seems that during the banquet a telegraph message was 
handed to Mr. Ward, and, Mr. Ward being a Northerner, there 
was natm-ally much curiosity among those present to learn the 
contents of the message. In response to the urgent inquiries of 
the others, Mr. Ward finally replied, "Gentlemen, you will not be 
pleased with the contents of this message, but, as you insist, I will 
read it to you. The message says: 

The Seventh Regiment, twelve hundred strong, left New York 
to-day for the defense of Washington. 

The reading of the message was greeted with loud laughter and 
derision. When order was restored, Mr. Ward said, "Gentlemen, 
you misinterpret the message. It means far more than you imag- 
ine, it means that the North is a unit and that the North's best 
blood, with its wealth, is opposed to you. Gentlemen, you are 
beaten!" 



i6 



In President Lincoln's Kitchen 



WHEN the Twelfth New York Militia left New York for Wash- 
ington, April 21, 1 86 1, I was one of the Engineer Company. 
Colonel (afterward General) Butterfield commanding was then 
very much of a "society" man, and we had been in Washington 
but a few days when he became very intimate at the White House, 
and particularly so with Mrs. Lincoln. Out of this came an inci- 
dent in which Mr. Lincoln appeared for the first time in Washing- 
ton in one of those homely relations with which afterwards the 
public were to become so familiar through so many reminiscences. 
Mrs. Lincoln told Colonel Butterfield that the White House cook 
was in trouble — the "waterback" of the range was out of order. 
"Couldn't he have it fixed that day — perhaps he had some soldier 
plumbers?" Of course he had — the Twelfth was full of 'em (prob- 
ably he would have offered to furnish aeronauts or lion-tamers if 
she had wanted any) — and promptly he made a requisition on the 
Quartermaster, — or perhaps it was the Adjutant — ^for plumbers to 
go to the White House. The Adjutant, who knew little and cared 
less about the matter, slid it over to the Engineer Company: 
"Wanted, plumbers for the White House, by order Colonel Butter- 
field." But none of the Company were plumbers — we ranked as 
non-commissioned officers, and one of us — Frank Barlow — ranked 
as Major-General later — and perhaps we did not feel complimented 
even by the chance of a "job" at the White House. But I ven- 
tured the opinion that there probably were some plumbers — in 
other companies — and so was detailed to get them. I did — four — 
and went along to "boss the job." It certainly was a sight — ^four 
uniformed militiamen, with arms and accoutrements, marching 
into the White House kitchen, with an admiring group of colored 
servants looking on. We "stacked arms" and in a few minutes the 
range was yanked out, and set in the middle of the kitchen, and 
foiu: able-bodied New York plumbers were wrestling with its 
waterback. The details of the job have escaped my memory, but 

17 



not so my — and our — first sight of Mr. Lincoln. He came down 
to the kitchen, and half-sitting, half-leaning on the kitchen table, 
and holding one knee in his hands, the Commander-in-Chief of the 
Army and Navy said: "Well, boys, I certainly am glad to see you. 
I hope you can fix that thing right off; for if you can't, the cook 
can't use the range, and I don't suppose I'll get any 'grub' to-day!" 
It was a Saturday, possibly the President was also thinking of his 
Simday dinner. 

How the Twelfth saved the Presidential dinner ought to be 
writ large in the regimental history. I know not if any of my foiu" 
comrades of that occasion are living, but if any of them see the 
story in print I am sure they will remember the event. 



i8 



General Franklin's Prophecy 



IN December, 1861, General "Baldy" Smith, had for his head- 
quarters the Smoot House, a substantial double brick building 
about eleven miles from Washington, near a place called Ivcwins- 
ville, Va. 

On the second Saturday in December, as I remember, there 
was an impromptu luncheon party at these headquarters. The 
luncheon was attended by General McClellan, General Meade, 
General McCall, General Fitz-John Porter, General Hancock, 
General W. T. H. Brooks and General Franklin, General Smith 
acting as host. After the luncheon, I, with other members of 
General Smith's staff, was invited to join the party, and I recall 
the discussion which ensued as to the probable duration of the 
war. It appeared to be the unanimous opinion that the war 
would last for some years. 

It was then that General Franklin vouchsafed a remarkable 
prophecy, substantially as follows: 

It is my opinion that the war will continue for several years 
and, before the war is over, every one present, with one exception, 
will be laid away on the shelf. That exception will be General 
George G. Meade ; he will come out on top at the close of the war. 

It was, as I have said, a remarkable prediction, inasmuch as 
it proved to be such a true one. 

It is regrettable that General Meade himself was so over- 
shadowed by General Grant that Meade's great services as Com- 
mander of the Army of the Potomac were never fully appreciated, 
and that Meade never received the recognition to which he was so 
justly entitled. 



19 



Lieutenant George A. Custer 



DURING the siege operations before Yorktown, in the Spring of 
1862, Lieutenant George A. Custer, later the famous cavalry 
general and Indian fighter, was assigned to duty as an engineer on 
the staff of General "Baldy" Smith. We were advancing from 
White House Station, on the Pamunkey River, to Richmond, and 
General Smith's division was at the head of the column. 

A story in connection with Custer at this time will, I am sure, 
be well worth recording. 

It all happened on a perfect day in June. The head of the 
column had halted in a field adjoining Dr. Gaines' house — about 
opposite Meadow Bridge, which crossed the Chickahominy at 
that point. The field itself was a bluff some fifty or seventy-five 
feet above the valley and the latter, for about two miles, appeared 
to be one vast wheat field — from Meadow Bridge westward to the 
Mechanicsville Bridge. The wheat was just ripening and its 
golden color contrasted strongly with the green of the willow trees 
on the banks of the Chickahominy River, winding its way through 
the fields. 

As General Smith and his staff were enjoying this superb view, 
which embraced in the distance the chm-ch spires of Richmond, 
General McClellan and his staff rode up. 

General McClellan's first remark was addressed to General 
Smith ; it was a query as to whether the Chickahominy River was 
fordable. Before General Smith could answer, Lieutenant Custer, 
hastily saluting McClellan, jumped on his horse, remarking as he 
did so, "General, I will find out." Reining up his horse, Custer 
leaped a five-rail fence and galloped down the hillside to the wheat 
field below. As he approached the line of willows, on the banks of 
the Chickahominy, he was obhged to ride Indian fashion — that is, 
by throwing himself on the offside of his horse, as the Confederate 
sharpshooters, along the river bank, opened fire on him. 

20 



Custer galloped toward Meadow Bridge and we saw the horse 
and rider disappear in the line of willows. In a few moments, to 
our great delight, we saw the horse again, scrambling up the 
river bank, with Custer once more throwing himself on the off- 
side. At a gallop he came through the wheat fields and soon re- 
timied to where we were all standing. When he reached us, Custer 
dismounted from his horse, saluted General McClellan and handed 
him a branch of willow which he carried, saying, "The river is 
fordable, General, this willow is from the other side." 

General McClellan immediately asked Custer his name and 
Custer repHed, "Second Lieutenant Custer, Fifth Cavalry." 
"Captain Custer," General McClellan responded, "you will re- 
port to my headquarters this afternoon for duty on my staff. I 
compliment you upon your gallantry and the valuable information 
you have obtained." 

This was the beginning of Custer's wonderful career, and I 
have often wondered why some of General McClellan' s staff, in 
fact some of General Smith's staff, did not "seize the opportunity," 
as Custer did. 



21 



Near Richmond, June, 1 862 



THE Battle of Gaines Mill was fought on June 27, 1862. Gen- 
eral Fitz-John Porter was in command and was later reinforced 
by General Slocum's division and the Irish Brigade, under General 
Meagher. The Army of the Potomac was cut in two by the Chick- 
ahominy Valley, General Porter being in command of all the troops 
on the north of the Valley and General William B. Franklin and 
General Sumner on the south side of the Chickahominy. The 
joint command on the south side comprised about 60,000 men. 

Previous to the battle of Gaines Mill, General Lee had ad- 
roitly crossed the Chickahominy at Mechanicsville, five miles 
north of Richmond. He was joined two days after by General 
Stonewall Jackson, fresh from his remarkable and successful cam- 
paign in the Shenandoah Valley. General Jackson must have 
made a marvelously quick march to have been able to reach Gen- 
eral Lee so soon. 

General Porter's battle at Gaines Mill was one of the most 
desperate of the whole war and no good reason has ever been given 
why the 60,000 men on the south side of the Chickahominy Valley 
and within sight of the battlefield on the north bank, were not sent 
to the assistance of General Porter, who was obliged to fight nearly 
the whole of General Lee's army, together with that of General 
Jackson. 

The night after the battle of Gaines Mih, General Porter 
crossed the Chickahominy at Trent House, some three miles south 
of General Franklin's line of works four miles from Richmond. It 
was evident to General Frankhn, and other officers, that General 
Lee had withdrawn nearly all of his troops for the Battle of Gaines 
Mill and that he had left but a thin line between the 60,000 Union 
soldiers and the City of Richmond. 

The second day after the battle of Gaines Mill, General Mc- 
Clellan determined to make his celebrated change of base and 
accordingly withdrew his whole army from in front of Richmond, 



22 



marching it to the banks of the James River by way of White 
Oak Swamp and Malvern Hill. General "Baldy" Smith, of 
Franklin's left grand division, formed the rear guard. Immediately 
in front of General Smith's command, which occupied the ex- 
treme right, were the Confederate troops that General Lee had left 
on the south side of the Chickahominy — about 10,000 men. The 
Confederates were in a line on what was then known as Dr. Gar- 
nett's farm. On the Union side there was a line of trenches a 
quarter of a mile, or more, in length. These trenches faced west. 
On the Confederate side there was a redoubt in an open field and 
several lines of intrenchments. 

The Confederates soon discovered that McClellan was with- 
drawing, and, as usual in such cases, immediately opened an attack 
upon the Union rear guard. 

The Confederate command comprised a division, or more, 
composed largely of Georgia troops, in command of General Cobb. 
As an Aide-de-camp to General Smith, I was on duty in the ad- 
vance line of works and, from my position, saw the Confederate 
division, in three lines, coming across the open field double quick 
and with their customary "rebel yeU." The Confederates had to 
cover about two hundred yards and came on straight for our line 
of works, which were largely occupied by General Smith's division. 
The Confederate brigade commander was some ten yards in ad- 
vance of his attacking force, and friend and foe alike could not but 
admire his splendid bravery. This commander, who it later 
transpired, was a Colonel Lamar, finally fell on the parapet, 
within ten feet of where I was standing. He was terribly wounded 
in the thigh. 

One of our company officers carried Colonel Lamar's sword 
to General Smith, explaining that he had captured the Colonel 
and several of his soldiers! I at once informed General Smith of 
the gallant manner in which Colonel Lamar had led his men and, 
also, reported that two of otu^ own ofl&cers had been taken prisoners 
after the melee in the trenches, from which the Confederates had 
been driven back to their own lines. 

General Smith immediately ordered the officer who had 
brought in Colonel Lamar's sword to return the sword to Colonel 
Lamar with General Smith's compliments and to say that "General 

23 



Smith returned the sword because any one who led his men as 
gallantly as had Lamar was entitled to keep it." 

I then suggested to General Smith that as Colonel Lamar was 
so badly wounded it might be well to exchange him for the two 
Union officers, captured and held by the Confederates. General 
Smith assented to this suggestion and, under a flag of truce, we 
exchanged a wounded Confederate Colonel for two able-bodied 
Union officers. Colonel Lamar came of a well-known Georgia 
family. He was a nephew of Senator Lamar of Mississippi, who 
was subsequently a member of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

A number of years after the war, I think it was in the Spring 
of 1869, I happened to be in the gallery of the Senate Chamber in 
Washington and there heard the first discussion on silver. At 
that time it was well known that Senator Conkling, of New York, 
was leaning toward the silver side of the question and, as soon as 
the Bill was called, I observed that he left his chair and sauntered 
into the lobby, thereby avoiding the vote which was about to be 
taken. As a New Yorker I was not proud of the scene. 

As the vote of the States was called, Senator Lamar, the Sen- 
ator from Mississippi, sent to the desk a document with the re- 
quest that it should be read to the Senate. The document proved 
to be iron-clad instructions from the Legislature of the State of 
Mississippi, directing Senator Lamar to cast his vote for silver. 
After reading the document, the Chair turned to the Senator and 
asked "And how does the Senator from Mississippi vote?" With 
a firm voice. Senator Lamar replied, "I vote No," whereupon 
there was loud applause throughout the gallery of the Senate. The 
Senator had voted in accordance with his convictions and had re- 
fused to follow the instructions of the Legislature of his own State. 

I insert this story here because it seems to fit in so well with 
the story of the wounded Colonel Lamar, of 1862. The with- 
drawal of Senator Conkling from the Senate Chamber and the 
courageous stand of Senator Lamar suggested to me, that "ex- 
changes" were again in order and that it might be well for the 
State of New York to exchange Senator Conkling for Senator 
Lamar. 

24 



The particulars of these two events, the fight at Garnett's 
Farm and the first vote on silver in the Senate, were embodied in a 
letter which I sent to Senator Lamar, inquiring if he was the 
Colonel whose exchange I had negotiated at the battle on the Farm 
in June, 1862. To my inquiry, Senator Lamar replied that the 
Colonel referred to was a nephew of his, and he added the infor- 
mation that there had been sixteen Lamars in the Confederate 
Army. 



25 



The Recovered Gun 



DURING the Battle of Gaines Mills, General Butterfield com- 
manded the Brigade on the extreme left of General Fitz-John 
Porter's Army. This formation brought the left of Butterfield's 
Brigade well down into the Chickahominy Valley. The Sixth 
Army Corps, commanded by General "Baldy" Smith, was on the 
south side of the Chickahominy, from which point it maintained 
a lively artillery fire, serving to hold the Confederates in check as 
they advanced on Butterfield's lines. When darkness came on, 
our artiUery firing ceased and about midnight Butterfield's Brigade 
straggled across the Chickahominy and joined Smith's command. 
General Smith immediately ordered Butterfield's Brigade in his 
line of works and issued rations to them on the condition that they 
would stay there. About daylight. General Smith received a 
telegram from General Butterfield, who was at Trent House, 
General McClellan's headquarters — ^four miles south of our front. 
The telegram read: 

General Smith. Where is my Brigade? 

To which Smith replied: 

Come and see. 

A few hours later, the movement known as the "McClellan 
change of base" was in motion. The divisions of Generals Frank- 
lin and Smith acted as a rear guard. At that time most of Lee's 
Army was on the north side of the Chickahominy and it was sup- 
posed that only a small force was between Richmond and our rear 
guard. I overheard General Franklin say to General Smith: 
" 'Baldy,' call in your pickets and fall back on Savage Station." 
To this General Smith replied: "Frank, give me the order and I 
will put my command in Richmond before they shall have a mouth- 
ful to eat." General Franklin answered: "I believe you could do 
it, but our orders are to fall back." 

26 



It fell to my lot to call in the pickets and follow the Army to 
Savage Station. In the retreat I discovered an abandoned Whit- 
worth Gun, which I afterwards learned belonged to the First Con- 
necticut Heavy Artillery. With some of the picket men, we tried 
to haul the gun out of the ravine in which it was abandoned, but 
were soon obliged to leave it, because of the lively fire of the Con- 
federate sharpshooters. I overtook General Franklin on the road 
to Savage Station and reported the facts regarding this abandoned 
gun. General Franklin immediately ordered me to take a team of 
horses, with cannoniers from the first field battery I could reach, 
and added that he relied upon me personally to "recover that gun 
at all hazards." 

Fortunately, there was a spur of woods through which we 
could reach the gun without being much exposed to the enemy. 
Dismounting, we crept up on our hands and knees to the gun. To 
my surprise I found that it was equipped with a pole and chains 
for a mule team, and this equipment would not suit the harness of 
the artillery horses which we had brought for the recovery. The 
occasion was an exciting one and we fell back a short distance. 
The Confederate sharpshooters had located our rescuing party and 
we decided that there was no time to be lost. The whole party, 
sergeant and cannoniers, dashed into the ravine again, stretched 
the trail rope, wound it around the pole, and tied the whifiietrees 
and pole chains of the mule outfit to the traces of the battery team. 
With a hurrah, we galloped out of the ravine under a heavy volley 
from the Confederate sharpshooters. Three of the Battery team 
and a corporal were wounded, but the gun was turned over to 
General Franklin, who thanked us all for otu: success. 

Even at this late day, over fifty years later, I recall my ner- 
vousness as I rode across the open field at a gallop for that gun. In 
the distance I could see a line of rebel skirmishers coming forward 
at the double quick. I realized that, being mounted, my little 
command had the advantage, although some invisible sharpshooters 
held us in check at times and, on our retreat, quickened our move- 
ments. I remember mentally questioning myself as to the value 
of the gun and whether it was worth the risk. I braced up, how- 
ever, by repeating to myself the order of General Franklin: "Re- 
cover that gun at all hazards" — at all hazards! I now believe I 



would have abandoned the gun when I found that the breech piece 
was missing were it not for the General's explicit orders ringing in 
my ears: "Recover that gun at all hazards." 

At Westover, on the James River, an officer of the First Con- 
necticut came to our headquarters to thank me for saving the gim 
and promised that he would send the staff a case of champagne. 
It is needless to add that the case never arrived ! 



28 



The Retreat from Malvern Hill 



THE day following the Battle of White Oak Swamp, the Army 
of the Potomac fought the Battle of Malvern Hill. 
At about midnight the night after the battle General Fitz- 
John Porter's command withdrew and took up the line of march 
for Harrison's Landing, eight miles further down the James River. 
Upon learning that Porter's division was on the move, the other 
division commanders, despite the absence of any orders, gave the 
word to follow and in all of my three and a half years of Army ex- 
perience I never saw anything that equaled the demoralization 
and recklessness of our soldiers in the retreat from Malvern Hill. 
There was but one road available for all of these divisions and 
many of the marching columns were forced to take to the open 
fields. These, because of a drenching rain, were fields of mud and 
soon all semblance to marching order was lost and the "change 
of base" resembled a surging mob, without regimental organiza- 
tion. I saw many men break the stocks off their muskets and 
toss them in the ditches. 

At the carriage entrance to Westover House (Harrison's 
Landing) there was a large oak tree. General Smith's staff 
oflBcers got together there and by crying out "Smith's division 
rally on that big tree," these cries resulted in the assembling of at 
least ninety per cent of the division and before sundown the di- 
vision was reorganized and in good shape for any emergency. 

Dining the afternoon I was ordered to find General Mc- 
Clellan's headquarters. Just in front of Westover House, I found 
one of General McCleUan's staff ofl&cers. Upon my asking for 
the General's headquarters, he replied, "This is Headquarters and 
I am the only representative." I knew the officer intimately and 
he showed me a note which had been brought to him by an orderly. 
The note was addressed to "General McCleUan's Headquarters," 
and read as follows: 

29 



General McClellan: 

Generals Marcy, Van Vliet and I are on board the Gunboat 
"Galena," your army is totally routed, you had best come aboard. 

Andrew Porter, 
Brigadier-General and Provost Marshal. 

It is a well-known fact that General McClellan did board a 
gunboat and the reason given for his doing so was that he might 
make a reconnaissance and ascertain what the enemy were doing 
at Malvern Hill and beyond. 

History now tells us that the enemy were retreating from Mal- 
vern Hill in the direction of Richmond, while the Army of the 
Potomac was retreating at the same time in the direction of West- 
over. It has been claimed and justly, I think, that if McClellan 
had followed up his victory at Malvern Hill, he could have entered 
Richmond without much difficulty. 

The following morning, at daybreak, a section of Confederate 
artillery opened fire on the demoralized and disorganized Army of 
the Potomac. It was a mixed mass of infantry, artillery and a 
small remnant of the cavalry of that Army. On the report of the 
first gun, hundreds of men ran to the banks of the James River for 
shelter. Fortunately, the Vermont brigade, of Smith's division, 
under command of General W. T. H. Brooks, having been well re- 
organized the previous afternoon, were deployed as skirmishers 
and quickly drove the rebel battery out of sight. 

I was sent to General McClellan's headquarters for orders and, 
while there, overheard the following conversation betweeen Gen- 
eral McClellan and General Reno. General Reno said to General 
McClellan, "I did suppose there was someone in command of this 
Army who would know enough to order pickets posted, so as to 
prevent the enemy driving into our midst and opening an artillery 
fire before its advance was discovered." And General McClellan 
replied: "Reno, we are in a bad fix but with a little patience and 
prompt action things will improve." 

General Reno was evidently very much disturbed and in- 
dignant at the condition of affairs. He was a gallant soldier and 
was killed at the Battle of South Mountain, Maryland, the follow- 
ing September. 



30 



The Rally of the Vermont Brigade 



THE so-called "Battle of White Oak Swamp" on June 30, 1862, 
was not a battle in any sense ; it was rather what might be termed 
a rear guard fight. Its principal feature was the terrific artillery 
firing of General Stonewall Jackson's command. 

General "Baldy" Smith's division, having been engaged in 
the fight at Savage Station the day before, crossed White Oak 
Swamp during the night, destroying the bridges as they proceeded. 
The division bivouacked that night on the hillside south of the 
Swamp. 

General Jackson's artillery was secretly massed in the woods 
on the crest of the hill, on the opposite side of the swamp, about 
one thousand yards away. At about 2.00 p.m. the next day the 
enemy opened an artillery fire and the attack was so sudden and 
severe that our troops were stampeded. They rallied, however, in 
the woods on the crest of the hill, in the rear. 

The Vermont Brigade, at that time consisting of four regiments 
and numbering about twenty-five hundred men, was on the left 
of our line and was there exposed to an enfilading fire of the enemy's 
batteries. It so happened I had been ordered by General Smith to 
see that the Vermont Brigade should take a position behind the 
crest of the hill and, consequently, I was the only mounted officer 
on that part of the field when the enemy opened fire. There was 
at the moment much confusion and I realized that something must 
be done immediately or the confusion would be apparent to the 
enemy. At once I saw the necessity of rallying the Vermont Bri- 
gade. I found the four regimental color-bearers in a group, well 
to the front and they asked me for orders. I told them to uncover 
their colors immediately and to take positions one hundred yards 
apart; then, riding in among the men, I ordered them to rally on 
the colors. There was some hesitation, as the men did not recog- 
nize their individual regimental colors. Perceiving this hesitation 
1 shouted repeatedly, "You belong to the State of Vermont, fall in 

31 



with the colors nearest to you and advance!" In a few minutes 
there were at least thirteen hundred men in line and, on my order, 
they went forward at the double quick, in open order, firing at 
will. Very shortly after this advance, Jackson's artillery ceased 
firing and it was evident that by oiu* prompt advance the enemy 
had been made to believe we were in strong force on his front and 
flank. The movement, judging from General Jackson's own re- 
port, served to check the infantry attack which Jackson had pre- 
pared to make after his terrific artillery fire. 

General Jackson's report to Headquarters (No. 232) reads as 
follows: 

About noon we reached White Oak Swamp and here the enemy- 
made a determined effort to retard our advance and thereby to pre- 
vent an immediate junction between General Longstreet and myself. 
We found the bridge destroj'-ed and the ordinary place of crossing 
commanded by sharpshooters. A battery of 28 guns from Hills and 
Whitings' artillery was placed by Col. S. Crutchfield in a favorable 
position for driving off or silencing the opposing artillery. About 
2 P.M. it opened suddenly on the enemy. He fired a few shots in 
reply and then withdrew from that position abandoning part of his 
artillery. Capt. Wooding was immediately ordered near the bridge 
to shell the sharpshooters from the woods, which was accomplished, 
and Mumford's cavalry crossed the creek, but was soon compelled 
to retire. It was soon seen that the enemy occupied such a position 
beyond a thick intervening woods on the right of the road as enabled 
him to command the crossing. Capt. Wooding's battery was conse- 
quently recalled and our batteries turned in the new direction. The 
fire so opened on both sides was kept up until dark. We bivouacked 
that night near the swamp. 

The illustration on the opposite page is a recent photograph 
of a painting by Julian Scott, "the boy artist of the Army of the 
Potomac." The painting, entitled "The Rally of the Vermont 
Brigade, " is the property of the Union League Club of New York 
and was photographed by their kind permission. It is said that 
no man sees himself as others see him, but as the artist assured me 
that the mounted figure on the left was none other than myself, I 
assume that I must bow to his portrayal. 

Forty-seven years have elapsed since Julian Scott finished the 
picture, and pictures, like individuals, fade with the lapse of time. 
The dramatic scene, despite its seeming "imperfections," is pub- 

32 



»' H 









x; ;; S 



c! fT 



„ O " !0 



P" o >o - 







lished because Scott himself assured me that it was intended as a 
portrayal of the "Rally of the Vermont Brigade," which I have en- 
deavored to describe. 

My object in telling the story is to give credit to the gallant 
Green Moimtain boys. I do not, of course, claim that Stonewall 
Jackson's command was checked solely through my instrumen- 
tality. The incident, however, reminds me of a story which I 
heard in my boyhood regarding the evacuation of the City of New 
York by the British forces, and their fleet, in the Revolution. A 
New Jersey farmer living at Fort Lee, on the banks of the Hudson, 
hearing that the British were leaving, mounted his horse and gal- 
loped to Bergen Point, from whence he saw the last British ship 
passing out of the Narrows. Tuming to a bystander he exclaimed : 
"I do not claim that the British were leaving because I was coming, 
but it looks very much like it." 



33 



The Ending of the Battle of Antietam 



IN one of his Civil War articles, Mr. G. W. Smalley evinces a de- 
sire to learn the time and place when General McClellan definitely 
decided to discontinue his attacks on General Lee's line. 

At the time of the Battle of Antietam, I was an Aide-de-camp 
on the staflf of General "Baldy" Smith, whose division was on the 
march at the head of General Franklin's command. This com- 
mand, on the morning of September 17, 1862, marched hurriedly 
from Crampton's Gap, across country, to the line of battle on the 
west side of Mumma's Woods — parallel with the Hagerstown turn- 
pike and about 150 yards east of that turnpike, directly in front of 
the Dunker Church. 

Generals Smith and Hancock, with their staffs, were con- 
siderably in advance of their troops. 

As we approached the front we found about twelve pieces of 
our artillery in a useless condition, on the west border of the woods. 
Lieutenant Rufus King, of the Fourth United States Artillery, 
was the only artillery officer in sight and he reported that many of 
the men and horses belonging to these batteries had been killed 
and disabled and that they of the artillery were without infantry 
support. 

At this critical moment. General Hancock rode out on the 
cornfield, in front of the batteries, and shouted that the enemy 
was advancing. 

General Smith immediately ordered the 20th New York In- 
fantry to advance in line through the cornfield at the double quick. 
In its charge, of about one hundred yards, this regiment lost 20 per 
cent in killed and wounded. It drove the enemy back, however. 
After the charge, the 20th was ordered to lie down behind the crest 
of a slight rise. The prompt advance of the 20th New York un- 
doubtedly checked the enemy's advance and saved our artillery. 

As nearly as I can remember now, this movement took place 
at about eleven o'clock in the forenoon. Shortly after that time 
General McClellan arrived on the field and joined Generals Frank- 

34 



lin, Smith, Sumner, Slocum and others. There was a hasty con- 
ference in the cornfield as to what had taken place and the ad- 
visability of continuing the attack on the enemy's lines, in the 
neighborhood of Dunker Church. General Franklin advised that 
Bmnside's attack on the enemy's right should be pushed with 
vigor and that there should be simultaneous attacks on the enemy's 
extreme left, and at Dunker Chmrch. 

While this conference was taking place, the Confederates 
pushed a piece of artillery, by hand, to the crest of the hill, on the 
Sharpsburg road, a little south of Dunker Church. When in 
position, the gun was fired at the group of officers, some twenty or 
more, then in consultation. Fortunately for the Union cause, the 
range was too high and the charge of cannister, although fired 
within 150 yards of the group, passed harmlessly over the Union 
generals. I have often thought that the firing of this gun, at this 
critical moment, was an important factor in determining that there 
should be no further attack on the enemy's line. 

General McClellan quickly called upon General Sumner for 
his opinion as to the situation. General Sumner's reputation was 
that of a fighter and I believe that he, when he then advised that 
the fighting should cease, did so for the first time in his career. 
General Sumner's whole command had been engaged and was 
badly cut up and unfit for service. 

General McClellan then turned to General Franklin, saying, 
"Frank, hold on to all you have, reinforce General Sumner's line 
and make no ftu^ther advance, acting solely on the defensive until 
fiu-ther orders." McClellan then ordered Sumner to withdraw 
his line and to reorganize his command. Although General Sum- 
ner had with him a half-dozen staff officers, he tm-ned to his son, 
saying: "Sammy, my boy, ride out to the skirmish line and order 
it and the division to fall back at once." 

It was a sight that I shall never forget. In the most touching 
manner, "Sammy," who was an Aide-de-camp on his father's 
staff, and then only about eighteen years old, raised his cap and said, 
"Goodby, father," and the General answered, "Goodby, my boy." 

Thus ended the last attack on the enemy's lines in front of 
Dunker Church, on September 17, 1862. 

"Sammy, my boy" is now Brigadier-General Samuel Sumner, 
U. S. A. (retired). 

35 



The Reading of the Emancipation Proclamation 



I WELL recall the night preceding the reading of President 
Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation to the Army. 

At midnight on the 22nd of September, 1862, I was called to 
escort General William F. Smith to a conference at General Mc- 
Clellan's headquarters. The conference was an important one 
and only division commanders were admitted. With other Aides, 
I remained outside but subsequently learned from General Smith 
what had taken place. 

General Smith told me that all of the division commanders 
were present when the meeting was called to order by General Mc- 
Clellan. The scene must have been a dramatic one. General 
McClellan opened the proceedings by stating that he had received 
from the President of the United States a proclamation of con- 
ditional emancipation, which, in brief, called upon the enemy to 
siurender on or before January i, 1863, and warned it that failure 
to do so would result in the emancipation of all slaves. General 
McClellan stated that the proclamation was accompanied by an 
order to have the same read to the entire Army the day following 
its receipt. 

General McClellan then read a proposed form of protest, 
which he had prepared and, after reading, asked that it be signed 
by all present, if approved. The protest was addressed to the 
President of the United States and it was to the effect that the 
reading of the proclamation to the Army would have a most de- 
moralizing effect and that the Army of the Potomac could not be 
expected to win battles if officially informed that it was fighting 
for the emancipation of slaves. 

Two of the Generals immediately approved of General Mc- 
Clellan's formal protest and it then came General Smith's turn to 
speak. General Smith, in no uncertain words, strongly objected 
to the protest and advised, with vehemence, that the orders of the 
President of the United States should be obeyed, closing with the 

36 




Reproduced by the kind 

permission of the 

publishers. 

Professional Memoirs 




brief but effective statement that his command would fight when- 
ever and wherever ordered, and that the only demoralization of 
which he was cognizant was in that tent. 

The scene, as I have said, must have been a dramatic one. 
After the remarks of General Smith the conference broke up. It 
is sufficient to state that the proclamation of conditional emanci- 
pation was read the following day to the Army, at dress parade, as 
ordered by President Lincoln. 



37 



The Army of the Potomac "Not Demoralized** 



ON May 30, 1909, there appeared an article in The New York 
Tribune, entitled "A Chapter of Unwritten History," by 
George W. Smalley. 

In this article, Mr. Smalley states that, after the Battle of 
Chancellorsville, in May, 1863, he was sent by the managing 
editor of The Tribune on a mission of inquiry to the Army of the 
Potomac, the mission being to ascertain who the Army of the 
Potomac wanted for a leader. 

I have nothing to say in regard to that feature of his mission 
but I do feel that I should combat Mr. Smalley's oft-repeated 
statement that the Army of the Potomac was, at the time of his 
mission, "demoralized." Mr. Smalley says, in his article, that he 
was obliged to report to Mr. Gay, managing editor of The Tribune, 
"that the demoralization was complete" and, he adds, "such in- 
terest as the matter has is now historical, and so for the first time 
I make public a part, and only a part, of what I learned in that 
month of May, 1863." 

To my mind, it is better, in writing history, that mistakes 
without foundation should not creep in, particularly after a lapse 
of "forty-odd years," and it is better still that such mistakes 
should not be "copyrighted." 

I take exception to the statement that the Army of the Poto- 
mac was "demoralized" at that time. The Army itself was not 
demoralized; if there was any demoralization it was "higher up." 

In support of my contention, it is simply necessary to call to 
mind the fact that, within a few weeks after Mr. Smalley's report 
of demoralization, the Army of the Potomac fought and won the 
Battle of Gettysburg. The fighting and the winning of the Battle 
of Gettysburg would seem to disprove the claim "that the soul had 
gone out of it" (The Army of the Potomac) and "that its demorali- 
zation was complete." 



38 



General "Ben" Butler 



IN the Spring of 1864, General Butler's command, consisting of 
Smith's and Gilmore's divisions, sailed fiom Old Point Comfort 
to Bermuda Hundreds, between Richmond and Petersburg, on the 
James River, the two divisions comprising about eighteen thousand 
men. Their landing was a great surprise, so much so that our 
skirmishers were enabled to capture a telegraph office on the Ap- 
pomattox River. The operator of that office had left in such haste 
that he, apparently, quite forgot his ten-year-old boy, who was 
found in charge of the telegraph office. It looked at the time as if 
the boy had been left there intentionally, for he had a most alarm- 
ing story to tell us, to the effect that General Lee had "wiped out" 
Grant in the Wilderness and was then marching rapidly to over- 
take Butler's command and capture it. General Butler listened 
to the boy's story and, taking him by the ear, cross-examined him 
behind a clump of bushes. After the "third degree" was completed 
the General retturned, still holding the boy by the ear. Turning to 
the officers near-by General Butler said, "Gentlemen, this boy is a 
liar — there is not a word of truth in what he says about Lee's vic- 
tory over Grant, so don't be alarmed." 

Hearing this, the little boy shook himself free and exclaimed 
with a voice filled with indignation, "You call me a liar? I know 
who you are! You are 'Beast Butler' and when I get old enough 
I'll lick you. You stole my grandmother's spoons." Such an ex- 
hibition of pluck was surprising, considering the attack was on 
General Butler, who had eighteen thousand soldiers behind him. 



39 



Mr. Choate's "Argument" in the General Fitz-John 
Porter Re-Hearing 



5 PEAKING of General Fitz-John Porter, I was visiting in the 
neighborhood of West Point, at the time of the re-hearing of the 
trial in which Porter had been dismissed from the service. Kjiow- 
ing General Porter as I did, I, of course, attended the re-hearing. 

The Court was composed of General Tyler, General Getty 
and General Schofield. 

The Government was represented by Colonel Asa Bird Gard- 
iner, U. S. A., then Adjutant-General. General Porter was repre- 
sented by Messrs. Choate and Bullitt. Colonel Gardiner addressed 
the Court something over forty-eight hours in all. The ther- 
mometer was in the nineties, yet Colonel Gardiner appeared in 
full war paint, cocked hat, epaulets and spurs. Colonel Gardiner's 
address dealt mainly with Army Regulations and these, of course, 
the veteran ofl&cers of the Court knew better than their prayers. 

At the conclusion of Colonel Gardiner's address, Mr. Choate 
arose and in his inimitable way opened his brief address to the 
Court, in the following manner: 

We have listened with patience to the remarks of the distin- 
guished Adjutant-General of the United States Army. His long ar- 
gument reminds me of the advice once given to the graduating class 
of the Theological Seminary of Tennessee, which was : 

"Now, boys, remember one thing, do not make long prayers, al- 
ways remember that the Lord does know something." 

It is needless to say that the Court reinstated General Fitz- 
John Porter. 



40 



The ** Great Conspiracy' 



A NUMBER of years after the close of the war, I happened to 
meet General Fitz-John Porter at the Catskill Mountain 
House, where we were both staying. It proved to be a most in- 
teresting renewal of otu: former Army acquaintance. 

After many delightful reminiscences, General Porter informed 
me, in a most confidential manner, that he had something to tell 
me, and I judged that the information was of a decidedly secret 
nature as the General insisted that I climb with him to a certain 
isolated spot on the side of the mountain before he would divulge 
the story. 

Upon reaching the spot. General Porter told me his secret in 
the following startling words: "Captain Scrymser, on Monday 
next, the great conspiracy is to be exposed!" I endeavored to 
appear grateful for the information but, being ignorant of the 
"Great Conspiracy" and its alarming exposure, was forced to ask 
what conspiracy he had reference to? 

General Porter replied, "Why, the conspiracy of Lincoln and 
Stanton, by which they seized the Government of the United 
States. All of the facts are to be made public." 

I, apparently impressed, asked General Porter in what form 
this great exposure was to be made? 

"In 'McClellan's Own Story,' which is to be published next 
Monday, containing the life and letters of General George B. Mc- 
Clellan and many historical facts by Dr. W. C. Prime, by whom 
the book is edited." 

"And this," I said, "will expose the 'great conspiracy' — against 
McClellan and the Government?" 

"Yes," he replied. 

I fear the General thought me lacking in appreciation of his 
confidence. I merely said, "General, the public have handed in 
their verdict long ago and you may rest assured that the 'great con- 
spiracy,' to which you refer, will receive no attention whatsoever." 

Such proved to be the case. 

41 



Citizenry-Trained Soldiers 



IN an article on "Wireless Telegraphy," I have quoted from Presi- 
dent Wilson's message to Congress of December 8, 19 14, and his 
statement that "We shall learn and profit by the lesson of every 
experience and every new circumstance." A further paragraph in 
the President's message is worthy of comment, viz.: 

Let us remind ourselves, therefore, of the only thing we can do 
or will do. We must depend in every time of national peril, in the 
future as in the past, not upon a standing Army, nor yet upon a re- 
serve Army, but upon a citizenry trained and accustomed to arms. 

The italics are my own. 

Can it be possible that such an eminent historian as President 
Wilson is unaware of the facts in regard to our "citizen army" of 
1861 ? How that Army, some thirty-four thousand strong, after a 
drilling of two or three months, was panic-stricken at the Battle of 
Bull Run and how it never stopped running some thirty-seven 
miles in record time until it reached the fortifications on the out- 
skirts of Washington, stampeded, as it was in the beginning of the 
panic, by the Confederate Black Horse Cavalry, numbering less 
than two hundred and fifty men. 



42 



Mayor Hewitt in England 



WHILE on a coaching trip in Derbyshire, England, our party- 
stopped one day to see the celebrated country seat of Lord 
Vernon, at Sudbury, When told whose estate it was, I was re- 
minded of a story which Mr. Hewitt told me about Lord Vernon. 
It seems that Mayor Hewitt was visiting "my lord" and that, in 
honor of his distinguished guest, Lord Vernon had invited the gen- 
try of the neighborhood to a banquet to meet our city's mayor. 
During the dinner. Lord Vernon said, "Now, Mr. Hewitt, a man of 
your wide experience, cultivation and travel would certainly have 
a happier life in England than in America, don't you think so?" 
Mr. Hewitt, who was a man of wonderful versatility and most 
engaging conversational powers replied, "Your Lordship may re- 
call the fact that there is a little jog of about ten acres on the 
northern boundary of your estate. I have been examining the 
County map and records and I find that that ten acres was once 
owned by my grandfather. Now you ask me if I would not find 
a home in England more congenial than one in America? My 
answer, my Lord, is that I presume that this is the first time a 
Hewitt ever had the honor of being invited to your lordship's 
table." 



43 



"English as She is Spoke' 



DURING the coaching trip in England, alluded to in the previous 
story, one of the four horses fell, because of the excessive heat. 
I at once went to a neighboring farmhouse and asked an English 
woman in charge if she would kindly let me have a pail of water. 

"A pail, is it?" she said. 

"Yes, a pail," I replied. 

"We have no pail," she answered. 

When I went to the well she discovered my predicament and 
screamed, "Oh, a bucket is it, you want?" and this was quickly 
furnished. 

Upon our return to London, we were dining with some 
English friends and the incident was mentioned. All of the Eng- 
lish people at the table loyally stood by their countrywoman and 
claimed that the woman was perfectly right, that there was no 
such thing as a pail in England. 

Mrs. Scrymser mildly asked whether the Mother Goose 
Stories were not of English origin? Our good English friends all 
replied in the affirmative, and then Mrs. Scrymser asked how they 
accounted for the fact that "Jack and Jill went up the hill to fetch 
a pail of water?" 



44 



Hon. Roscoe Conkling 



ON an ocean voyage I once had as fellow passengers the Hon. 
Abram S. Hewitt and the Hon. Roscoe Conkling. Senator 
Conkhng was a man of striking appearance and rather given to a just 
appreciation of himself. We three were walking the deck when 
Mr. Hewitt turned to me and said, "Scrymser, how tall are you?" 
I replied, "Something over six feet." And, "Mr. Senator," said 
Mr. Hewitt, turning to Conkling, "how tall are you?" To which 
query the Senator replied in his own majestic way, "I do not know, 
sir." Mr. Hewitt, with a twinkle in his eye, turned to me and 
said, "Scrymser, that is good, Roscoe doesn't know what a big 
man he is," whereupon, Conkling raised his hat, and said, "Mr. 
Mayor, I owe you one." 



45 



Public Schools in England 



I LIVED in London in 1872 and 1873, when Mr. Gladstone was 
Prime Minister. 

I have never heard a pubhc official more severely denounced 
and criticized than was Mr. Gladstone, both because of his ex- 
tension of the franchise and his work in behalf of the extension of 
the school system. 

I remember that on one occasion I was on a coaching trip, my 
host being a titled English gentleman. In crossing Chelsea Bridge, 
a small boy ran in front of the coach and the wheels crushed the 
boy's felt hat, which had been knocked off. I remarked to my 
host that running over the hat could have been avoided and was 
astounded when he replied, "Damn him, I wish his head had been 
in it." Mention is made of this incident to show the feeling at 
that time the aristocracy held towards the lower classes. 

There was not one man in ten in the agricultural districts of 
England who could read or write. I ascertained this fact on 
another coaching trip of iioo miles through the most attractive 
part of England, in the summer of 1884. The illiteracy every- 
where was deplorable. At the time, I was endeavoring to establish 
in London what is known in New York as the American District 
Telegraph Service, and it was absolutely impossible to secure a 
sufficient number of intelligent boys to start a single office in Lon- 
don. 

Discharged, rheumatic soldiers were the only messengers 
available and very few of that kind could be had. 

Twenty years later some friends went to London for the pur- 
pose of organizing a company on the lines of the American Dis- 
trict Telegraph. The first week they had applications from over 
six thousand intelligent, capable boys, an eloquent testimony of 
the value of Mr. Gladstone's School Bill of 1872 and 1873. 

The growth of intelligence had been so complete that the 
English people failed to realize the splendid results of Mr. Glad- 

46 



stone's policy, and I found that it required some definite statement 
like the foregoing to prove to them that Mr. Gladstone's liberal 
policies, of extension of the suffrage and the establishment of 
schools, had achieved such remarkable results. These measures 
probably saved England from a revolution. 



47 



Interview with Baron De Rothschild 



I HAD a most interesting experience in Paris in the winter of 1872, 
the month of January. 

It was my purpose to lay before the French Government a 
Telegraph enterprise in which Messrs. August Belmont, Levi P. 
Morton, J. Pierpont Morgan and other prominent bankers were 
interested. 

I was the bearer of a letter of introduction from Mr. Belmont 
to Baron Alphonse De Rothschild, the principal representative of 
the Rothschild house in Paris. 

Upon my arrival in Paris, I consulted some of my influential 
friends as to when I should present the letter introducing me to 
the Baron, and I remarked that I expected to get an introduction 
from Baron De Rothschild to M. Leon Sey, then Minister of the 
Interior. My friends all laughed at my hopes and were unanimous 
in their opinion that I would not be successful, each one informing 
me that it was a well-known fact that the House of Rothschild 
never gave letters of introduction to any one. 

I was sanguine of success, however, — so sanguine that I made 
a bet of a dinner for six with Walter Burns, J. Pierpont Morgan's 
brother-in-law, that I would obtain such a letter of introduction, 
notwithstanding my total lack of experience in such matters. 

As a beginning, I enclosed my letter of introduction to the 
Baron with a polite note, asking for the honor of an interview at 
such a time as it would be convenient for him to see me. In due 
course, I received a note from the Baron's secretary, appointing a 
time for the interview — at the De Rothschild banking house in 
the Rue Taitvout, 19. (Although it is over forty years ago, I re- 
member the number well.) At the appointed hour I went up the 
stairway of the banking house with a good deal of nervousness and 
trepidation. At the head of the stairway I was met by Baron De 
Rothschild's private secretary, who courteously explained to me 
that because of an unexpected engagement the Baron would not 

48 



be able to receive me until the following day. I have often 
thought that this postponement was proposed merely to give his 
secretary an opportunity to size me up and to determine whether 
the meeting would be agreeable to the Baron. Next day, at the 
hour named, I again mounted the stairway with fear and trembling 
and was immediately passed into the banking room and there met 
the famous Baron De Rothschild. The Baron received me in a 
most charming and friendly manner and his reception put me at 
my ease at once. 

He offered me a cigarette and suggested that we should pull 
our chairs before the open fire and take up "that business." For- 
tunately, I had a Loyal Legion button in the lapel of my coat 
which attracted the Baron's attention and required a lengthy ex- 
planation from me as to what the button was, and a detailed ac- 
count of my experiences in the Civil War. This broke the ice. 
The Baron was particularly anxious to secure from me any infor- 
mation which I could give hirn as to the military career of the 
Compte de Paris, and the Duke de Chartres, both of whom, it will 
be remembered, accompanied their uncle. Prince de Joinville, 
during our Civil War, all three serving on the staff of General Mc- 
Clellan, in 1861 and 1862. 

It so happened that I had seen much of these gallant gentle- 
men during that time, while an Aide-de-Camp on the staff of Gen- 
eral "Baldy" Smith. General Smith's headquarters were, while 
at the front, five miles west of Chain Bridge and about twelve 
miles from Washington. General Smith would often organize 
foraging expeditions into the enemy's country, more for practice 
than forage, and whenever there was a likelihood of a skirmish, the 
General would invite the French Princes to join us. I well re- 
member on one occasion, with three separate companies of cavalry, 
we made a raid on a Confederate picket reserve on Flint Hill near 
Fairfax Court House. We left headquarters at two o'clock in the 
morning and before daylight made a dash on the house occupied 
by the Confederate pickets. I had command of a company of 
cavalry and was accompanied by the Compte de Paris. We dis- 
mounted a short distance from the house and at a given signal 
made a dash and, by closing in well up to the house, with a few 
sharpshooters about one hundred paces away, the Confederate 

49 



inmates could not shoot from the windows above without being 
picked off by our sharpshooters. On our demand, the Confeder- 
ates dropped their rifles from the second story windows and came 
down unarmed and surrendered, but not until an Irish Corporal, 
who becoming tired of waiting, broke in the front door with a big 
stone. Our little attack resulted in the capture of twenty-two 
Confederate soldiers, all armed with Colt's revolving rifles. 

Baron De Rothschild was intensely interested in all that I 
could tell him about the French Princes, and particularly in regard 
to their behavior at the Battle of Williamsburg, the day on which 
Yorktown was evacuated. On this occasion the Compte de Paris 
was with us all day and displayed his usual gallantry, even re- 
marking to me that he would like very much to be wounded. 
There was a drenching rain that night and I arranged to have the 
Compte bivouac with me. I built a "lean-to" of rails against a 
rail fence and made a comfortable bed of corn shocks and there we 
slept together, under the same blanket, within one hundred yards 
of the picket line. Instances of this sort so interested the Baron 
that he never referred to "that business," and it took me no less 
than three afternoons in succession to tell him all that I knew 
about the French Princes. 

I was, naturally, very anxious to discuss business with the 
Baron, but I realized that it would not be politic to force the sub- 
ject until the Baron himself introduced it. My hotel bill was run- 
ning up at the rate of six dollars per day, and I began to feel 
doubtful in regard to that dinner, that is, who should pay for it. 
Finally, at the close of a long afternoon's talk, the Baron suddenly 
exclaimed, "Oh, Sir, I owe you an apology, I forgot all about that 
business. As you go downstairs you ask my secretary for that 
letter ctf introduction to M. Leon Sey." 

It is needless to note that we had our dinner and that I did 
not pay for it ! At the dinner it was announced that this was the 
first instance a De Rothschild letter of introduction was ever 
known in Paris. 



50 



The Minister of the Interior 



IN due course I received notice of an appointment with the 
Minister of the Interior, M. Leon Sey. When the time for the 
interview came I found that His Excellency had learned about me 
from the Baron De Rothschild, and the instant my card was pre- 
sented the doors were thrown open to me and I was received after 
the manner of a royal visitor. 

The interview resulted in the authorization of a Concession 
for the installation of a news printing service which was to be 
issued to parties whom I represented, subject to such regulations 
as the authorities deemed necessary. I retained an expert lawyer 
who drew up what I considered to be a brief and proper form of 
concession. This I submitted to Minister Leon Sey who informed 
me it that would have to take the regular course through the de- 
partments for the consideration of each. After five long months of 
patient waiting, I was officially informed that the Concession, 
with amendments, was subject to my acceptance. Imagine my 
astonishment when I found that the Concession contained a re- 
quirement by the Chief of the Paris Police, that "La Machines" 
should be installed in metallic cases and the keys to those cases 
should be kept in the pockets of a "functionary" whose duty it 
would be to examine the printed tapes daily to see that nothing 
immoral or detrimental to the public good was printed! It was 
further stipulated that "La Machine" was not to work until the 
"functionary" had issued a certificate certifying to the fact that 
nothing detrimental to the public good had appeared on the printed 
tape the previous day. 

The Bishop of Paris approved of the requirements of the Chief 
of Police and added that he disapproved of the project itself, as he 
thought it would lead to speculation and consequent danger to the 
morals of the banking fraternity of Paris ! 

The impossibility of operating a news printing service on these 
conditions will be apparent, and the trouble was further intensified, 

51 



a few days later, by a change of the entire government and a con- 
sequent ousting of the Minister of the Interior, all of which necessi- 
tated going over the whole scheme again and, in consequence, it 
was abandoned. 

In many such negotiations with foreign countries much time 
is lost by changes in government; such was the case in Japan where, 
after several long interviews with the then Prime Minister Count 
Okuma, a contract was concluded and, to my dismay, the following 
day there was a change of government and the whole scheme was 
killed. 

It was a common saying among my friends in Paris, that there 
would be a change of government within forty-eight hoiurs of my 
arrival there. 



52 



A Hired Coach and Livery in the City of Mexico 



DURING my first visit to the City of Mexico, in the winter of 
1880, the Paseo, between the City of Mexico and the Castle of 
Chapultepec, was a gay scene in the mornings. Here the Mexicans 
of the wealthier class could be seen taking their morning ride on 
beautiful, prancing horses. The riders were dressed in black 
velvet, their trousers striped with silver buttons. Elaborate silver 
spurs dangled at their heels and on their heads were broad som- 
breros with silver embroidery and cords. Each rider was mounted 
on an elaborately silver embroidered saddle, and attached to the 
saddle, hanging over the horse's back, was a tiger skin. The scene 
was certainly an animated one. There would be fifty or more 
riders so equipped and these riders, with horses champing at their 
silver bits, presented a fascinating sight. 

There was but one coach or carriage at that time for hire in the 
City of Mexico. It was of the type used for funerals in this coun- 
try, and belonged to a cobbler. The cobbler's charge for his coach, 
and a fairly good team of horses and driver, was one dollar silver 
per hour. The coachman was attired in a jacket, somewhat 
ragged at the elbows, but mounted, nevertheless, with silver but- 
tons, and so short that there was an interval of about six inches of 
shirt between jacket and trousers. I found it necessary on a cer- 
tain day to hire this coach, as Mrs. Scrymser had several visits to 
make. Inasmuch as these visits were of a ceremonial nature, I 
urged the proprietor to equip his driver with a proper livery for the 
occasion. At the appointed hour my chartered coach appeared 
at the hotel. Imagine our surprise when we found that it had been 
followed by a large crowd, which patiently waited to see who was 
to occupy the vehicle. From our hotel window we observed two 
men on the box. We took in the "livery" at a glance. The driver 
and the groom were both barefooted but, otherwise, were undoubt- 
edly arrayed for the occasion. On their heads were the famous 
Mexican sombreros, and they were clothed in gorgeous claret- 

53 



colored liveries, adorned with a liberal amount of gold braid on 
sleeves and collars. We made our departure, the crowd at the 
hotel staring at us in awe-struck silence. 

That evening we visited the circus and not until then did I 
realize the reason for the crowd at the hotel, so intent upon seeing 
who were to be the occupants of the coach. The proprietor of the 
coach had, it seems, in an effort to please me, hired from the circus 
the liveries worn by the ringmasters' grooms. These gorgeous out- 
fits were naturally known to all the boys in Mexico, who evidently 
mistook my wife and self for newly arrived bareback circus riders 
on the way to the circus. This experience taught me the lesson to 
take what you can get and to try no experiment in a foreign 
country. 



54 



Namesakes 



WHEN Mr. Frank Thomson, President of the Pennsylvania 
Raikoad, heard that Mr. Morgan was planning a trip to 
Washington, for an interview with President Cleveland, he 
straightway offered Mr. Morgan the use of his private car and his 
celebrated colored cook. The courtesy was accepted and Mr. 
Morgan asked two of his friends to accompany him. I was one 
of the number. 

When we entered the car, we found an open fire and every 
appearance of comfort, all of which proved most attractive, 
especially so to Mr. Morgan, who was tired and hungry. Mr. 
Morgan astonished us by disclosing the fact that he had had 
nothing to eat or drink in the past twenty-four hoiurs, with the 
exception of a half cup of coffee. He explained that "this morn- 
ing" a party of Wall Street men had called him from the break- 
fast table and that, until now, he had had no time to either eat 
or drink ! 

A capital dinner was quickly served and our host was much 
refreshed. After dinner, for the entertainment of Mr. Bacon 
and myself, Mr. Morgan read some begging letters which he had 
hastily put in his pocket on leaving his office. They were all 
in the same vein but I recall one in particular, from a clergyman 
in Oregon. The letter was addressed to "Hon. John Pierpont 
Morgan," and read somewhat as follows: 

Last week my wife gave birth to three boys and I have named 
them John, Pierpont and Morgan. Can you help me in this unex- 
pected responsibility? 

It was remarked that if Mr. Morgan had had another name there 
certainly would have been another boy. 



55 



J. p. Morgan and President Cleveland's Anti- 
Bond Issue 



JPIERPONT MORGAN'S action in what is known as the 
• "Cleveland Anti-Bond Issue" is certainly worth recording. 
It will be remembered that during Mr. Cleveland's second ad- 
ministration the gold reserve in the United States Treasury had 
fallen to $40,000,000, and that gold was going out of the Treasury 
at the rate of $2,000,000 a day. President Cleveland and the 
Senate had come to a deadlock and there was every prospect of 
the financial system of the United States being changed to a 
Silver basis. 

At this crisis, I was invited by Mr. Morgan to accompany 
him to Washington, as described in the previous article. Mr. 
Morgan told me that President Cleveland had both written and 
telegraphed to him that he would refuse to see him upon financial 
matters should he come to Washington. Mr. Morgan was not 
deterred, however, and determined to go to Washington, inspired, 
as he was, with the highest patriotic motives. 

Upon his arrival at Washington Mr. Morgan went to the 
White House and was there received by the President. A few 
hours later, Mr. Morgan described his interview to me. When 
Mr. Morgan was announced, the President stalked forth from his 
private office, as Mr. Morgan described it, with both hands 
thrust into his trousers pockets, apparently disinclined to greet 
Mr. Morgan in a friendly spirit. 

The President's first remark was: "Mr. Morgan, I have 
written and telegraphed to you that I would not see you in ref- 
erence to any Government financial matters. The Senate has 
placed me in a false position before the country and I am deter- 
mined that the people shall know that the Senate is to blame." 
To this statement Mr. Morgan replied to the effect that the 
country was on the verge of the greatest financial panic that the 

56 



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world had ever witnessed and that unless the outflow of gold was 
checked the credit of the Government would be destroyed. 

At this point, Richard Olney, then Attorney-General, entered 
the room and Mr. Morgan reminded him of the fact that in 1861 
the United States Government had authorized the Secretary of 
the Treasury to buy gold to meet its gold interest and Mr. Morgan 
asked Mr. Olney whether that Act was still in force. Mr. Olney 
declared that it was, whereupon Mr. Morgan turned to the 
President and said: "Mr. President, I do not ask you to sell bonds 
but I propose to sell you ^100,000,000 in gold." At this, Mr. 
Cleveland's manner immediately changed and, within half an 
hour, a contract had been drawn up whereby the United States 
Treasmy obtained $60,000,000 in gold through a syndicate 
formed by Mr. Morgan. 

I repeat, Mr. Morgan's action at this time is well worth 
recording. His sterling patriotism has been evidenced many 
times. 



57 



A Dinner in Honor of General Scott and Admiral 

Farragut 



ONE afternoon at the Atheneum Club, shortly after the close 
of the war in 1865, William T. Blodgett, then President of the 
Club, told a number of us younger members of a dinner which 
he was to give at his house, in honor of General Scott and Admiral 
Farragut, one, the first Lieutenant-General of the United States 
Army and the other, the first Admiral of the United States Navy. 
Mr. Blodgett gave us all a very cordial invitation to "drop in" 
after dinner and play whist with his distinguished guests. 

Mr. Blodgett's house was on 25th Street, near Broadway 
and adjoined Trinity Chapel. Mr. Blodgett spared no trouble 
to make the dinner a memorable one. In the alcove in the 
dining room, there was placed Church's beautiful picttu-e of the 
"Heart of the Andes" and in front of the picture was a bank of 
palms. I was told that when the dinner was about finished 
the lights were turned down and a curtain raised showing this 
beautiful landscape. And Mr. Blodgett also told us, when we 
arrived, that Admiral Farragut was so enthusiastic over the 
picture that he left the table and danced a sailors' hornpipe to 
the delight of the guests. 

Forty years after, I had the pleasure of dining in this same 
house, as the guest of the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix and his family. 
The company at dinner were much interested in my account of 
Mr. Blodgett's dinner given in honor of General Scott and 
Admiral Farragut so long ago. 

After relating many incidents of that dinner, including the 
sailors' hornpipe, I mentioned something that had impressed me 
that night, viz., the fact that the tobacco smoke had so quickly 
vanished from the dining room, despite the large number who 
were smoking, and that Mr. Blodgett had explained to me that 
there was a ventilating tube from the center-piece over the 
chandelier, running from the dining room chimney. 

"That," said Dr. Dix, "accounts for the fact that we have 
found it so difiicult to keep this room warm." 

58 




CHAPEL AT WEST POINT 



West Point 



WE were visiting in the neighborhood in November, 19 14, 
and one Sunday morning Mrs. Scrymser and I enjoyed the 
very great pleasm-e of attending the morning service in the West 
Point Chapel, by invitation of the Superintendent, Colonel 
Townsley. 

The Chapel has been referred to as "the gem spot of Ameri- 
can architecture." It is situated on a hill and commands a 
grand view of the Highlands and likewise of the Hudson River. 
It is built of stone and its simplicity and Gothic grace are very 
impressive. Combined with the beauty of the Chapel and its 
historical surroundings, the service itself is one of rare attractive- 
ness. The corps of Cadets, some six hundred strong, in their 
handsome uniforms, eighty of whom comprise the choir, to- 
gether with a perfect organ, superbly played, the many war- 
worn battle flags hung from the ceiling, and the artistic stained 
glass window in the chancel, bearing the words "Duty, Honor, 
Country," all contributed to make the service one of rare fascina- 
tion and one which we shall never forget. It aroused in us a 
joyous spirit of patriotism, such as we never before experienced. 

I have attended services in most of the great cathedrals 
abroad, but none affected me as did this service in the chapel 
of our United States Military Academy. 

After the service, the organist delighted us with an organ 
recital which could not be surpassed anywhere. In connection 
with this fine toned organ, I was surprised to learn that it had 
not been entirely completed, and that six thousand dollars was 
still required to make it as it should be. It is unlikely that Con- 
gress will ever appropriate the money needed so here is an excellent 
opportunity for any one interested to give, as a memorial, or 
otherwise. The organ must have an artistic influence over the 
lives of the future ofiicers of the Army of our country and it is 
to be hoped that its early completion is not far off. I was sur- 

59 



prised when I was told that the salary of the organist, as author- 
ized by Congress, was only twelve hundred dollars a year. I 
was informed, however, that, as the organist loves his organ and 
West Point, he has recently refused several offers of a salary 
three times as large from churches in New York and elsewhere. 

We thoroughly enjoyed our talks with Col. Townsley. One 
suggestion which the Colonel made impressed me particularly 
and that was, that an equestrian statue of General Washington, 
if placed on the Parade Ground, would exert a patriotic influence 
that would be ideal for good. It will be recalled that General 
Washington, in association with General Alexander Hamilton and 
General Henry Knox were the prime movers in causing the West 
Point Military Academy to be founded, and consequently. Colonel 
Townsley's suggestion was most appropriate, for it is certainly 
fitting that the most prominent character of the three named 
should be thus memorialized. 

Colonel Townsley spoke of his admiration of the Washington 
bronze statue now in Union Square, New York, and said that 
a duplicate of that statue would be suitable in every way for 
West Point. There is a good prospect that the Washington 
statue, as proposed by Col. Townsley, will be placed on the Parade 
Ground at an early date, provided the consent of the War Depart- 
ment in Washington and likewise of the New York City officials 
can be obtained. 

All Americans should see and know West Point. There is 
a singular charm about the whole place and I cannot close this 
account of my experience there without allusion to the rare 
esprit de corps of cadets and graduates. There is a certain friendly 
intercourse and a loyal affection for one another which clings 
to the cadets as long as life lasts. 

As a proof of this, I may relate an incident which occurred 
at the Battle of Antietam. It will be remembered that all of 
our heroes of the Civil War were closely identified with West 
Point and this incident concerns two of them. It was during a 
flag of truce, that General William F. Smith, to whom I have 
frequently referred, sent the following message to his old class- 
mate. General Robert B. Lee: 

"Baldy sends his love to Bob." 

60 




WASHINGTON STATUE 



Thus emphasizing the fact that West Point friendships are main- 
tained on the field of battle. 

My visit to the Chapel was one of such delight that I feel 
I must pubUsh a photograph of the edifice and this I do on the 
preceding page. 

It is appropriate, too, that I should pubhsh the accompanying 
picture of the Washington Statue, in connection with this com- 
ment on my visit to West Point. 

Note by Author. — Just as this book goes to press, I am glad to be able 
to announce that all arrangements have been concluded for the duplication 
of the Washington bronze statue, now in Union Square, New York, and the 
erection of the same on the Parade Ground at West Point. It is expected 
that this Washington statue will be unveiled at West Point during the coming 
Summer. 



6i 



The Use of "Influence'* 



IN the early days of my telegraph career, with so much depending 
upon my personal efforts, I often felt that possibly I lacked 
the courage of my convictions for I was frequently led to rely 
upon "influential" friends to do what, in time, I found — ^if I 
wanted it well done — I had to do myself. 

In this connection, I am reminded of a personal friend, 
who came to me for advice during the war. He was a fellow 
member of the Atheneum Club and was in financial difficulties. 
He confided to me that he owed about $800 and he saw no pros- 
pect of being able to pay it. I advised him to enUst in the Army, 
which he did, and thereby secured a bounty of the very amount 
($800). This he sent to me and with it I paid his debts. 

When the war was over, he of course had saved nothing of 
his soldier's pay. On my advice he drew up an application for 
a position in the Custom-House and I personally secured the 
written endorsement of many influential men. The application 
was regularly filed in the Collector's Office, of the Custom-House. 
Day after day he would come to my office and complain that 
he had heard nothing from his application. At length I, too, 
became impatient and decided to call personally upon the Col- 
lector. I cannot recall what I said in behalf of my friend but, 
when I had finished my appeal, the Collector, Hon. Preston 
King, arose from his desk and said: "Sir, your friend shall have 
a $1,200 position by noon tomorrow; you come here and I will 
give the order." The Collector was an entire stranger to me and 
I certainly appreciated his kindness when, at noon, the following 
day, he handed me the promised appointment for my friend. 

On another occasion. General Alexander Webb applied for 
the appointment as President of the College of the City of New 
York. An application was duly prepared and endorsed by Peter 
Cooper, Cyrus W. Field, Moses Taylor, Wilson G. Hunt and 
others of like prominence. In the course of time. General Webb 

62 



informed me that he had received the appointment adding, 
greatly to my astonishment, that he was not going to accept it. 
"Why not," I asked. "Why," said he, "because they expect 
me to teach." I repUed, "General, you have too much West 
Point conscience. You accept that Presidency even if they ask 
you to black boots and when you are President you can arrange 
to have others do those odd jobs, instead of yourself." General 
Webb served as President of the College of the City of New 
York for nearly forty years, with much credit to himself and im- 
mense benefit to many of the yotmg men who were students under 
him. 

After all, if one wants a thing done well and done quickly, 
he must do it himself. "Influence" is, at times, most effective 
but personal effort is far more so. 



63 



Cuban Independence 



500N after the Civil War there was a movement started both 
in the United States and Spain for the purpose of securing the 
freedom and independence of Cuba and Porto Rico. Actively 
engaged in this scheme were General Butler, then a member of 
the House of Representatives, General Sickles, United States 
Minister to Spain, and General Prim, a prominent officer of the 
Spanish Army, who had served with Maximilian in Mexico. 

The plan, as I remember it, was to secure instructions, through 
our State Department, for General Sickles (our Minister to Spain) 
to demand, in the name of the United States Government, that 
Spain should emancipate its slaves in Cuba and Porto Rico and, 
simultaneously with this demand. General Butler was to intro- 
duce a resolution in Congress, recognizing the Cubans as bel- 
ligerents. 

It was likewise planned that a revolution should occur in 
Madrid, at the same time, to be led by General Prim. General 
Prim, while en route from Mexico to Spain, in 1862, had stopped 
in Virginia, where he visited the Army of the Potomac and was 
the guest of General "Baldy" Smith, who tendered him a review, 
followed by a Headquarters dinner. Prominent officials of the 
Army were invited to meet General Prim and, in consequence, 
he became well known in the United States. 

The financing of the scheme for Cuban independence was 
arranged in this way: there was to be an issue of one hundred mil- 
lion dollars of seven per cent gold bonds, the seven per cent 
interest to be guaranteed by the United States Government, 
the latter taking possession of the Cuban Custom-House — to 
insure the safety of the guarantee; the one hundred millions of 
dollars was to be paid to Spain upon condition that Cuba should 
be declared free and independent. The whole scheme was a 
big one and such schemes, planned on conditions so wide apart, 
must of necessity fail. 

64 



General Sickles' demand for the emancipation of the Cuban 
slaves had very much the same effect on the Spanish people, 
who were a unit in opposition, as the firing on Fort Sumter had 
on our people of the North. The Spanish Government learned 
of General Prim's intended leadership in the revolution and he 
was straightway assassinated. 

General "Baldy" Smith (who was an associate with me in 
the West India cable enterprise) was a go-between for the Cuban 
rebel leaders in Washington and the plotting Spanish officials 
in Madrid, which he frequently visited, in connection with our 
Cuban-Porto Rico cable enterprise. 

At the time of General Sickles' demand upon Spain, Smith 
was in Madrid. I received a telegram from hirn, asking me to 
see General Butler who, it was planned, was to introduce the 
resolution in Congress recognizing the independence of Cuba. 

I knew nothing of the scheme but, in response to General 
Smith's request, I went on to Washington to see General Butler. 
I showed him my code message from General Smith, in Madrid, 
the closing paragraph of which was "Tell General Butler there 
is ducats in it." This sentence seemed to catch his attention 
at once and he said to me, "Captain, what does that mean?" 
I, laughingly rephed, "General, that is the Spanish for spoons." 
"All right," he said, "meet me at* the Astor House, New York, 
tomorrow afternoon at four o'clock." I did so and after an hoiu-'s 
conference with him he confided to me that the scheme had failed 
and that Sickles had blundered by delaying the American demand. 
"Here we are," he said, "at the end of December, on the verge 
of the holidays, Congress will adjourn in a few days and nothing 
can be done until it reopens the middle of January; by that time 
the scheme will have grown cold. Please cable General Smith 
that nothing can be done at present." 



65 



Field Marshal Oyama 



IN the winter of 1898 I visited Japan. My stay there was a 
most delightful one and I was privileged to meet many of Japan's 
leading men. They were all extremely hospitable and com'teous. 
I shall never forget the many pleasant interviews I had with 
Field Marshal Oyama, with whom it was my good fortune to 
become quite intimate. The Field Marshal was a very intelligent 
man and his stories of Japan's progress were exceedingly inter- 
esting. We exchanged "war" experiences. 

In discussing the capture of Port Arthm* in the war between 
Japan and China, in 1894-5, the Field Marshal told me that 
Japan's Bureau of Information had misled him at that time. 
The Bureau had assiu^ed him that the Chinese army was strong 
and efficient, but that the Chinese navy was weak, but experience 
proved that it was just the other way and China's navy was 
strong while its army was weak. "Had I known these facts," 
added the Field Marshal, "I would have marched on Pekin 
and taken it, instead of Port Arthur." 

If Japan had done so there would have been another story 
to tell. This lack of information indicates what great improve- 
ment has been made in Japan in recent years. 

The adjoining illustration is an enlargement of a picture sent 
to me by Field Marshal Oyama, representing the last grand review 
of the triumphant Japanese army, numbering one hundred thou- 
sand men, at the close of the Russian- Japanese War. The Empe- 
ror of Japan accompanied by Field Marshal Oyama will be seen 
in the Imperial carriage, at the head of the reviewing party. 



66 



The History of Three Cable Companies 



1 

International Ocean Telegraph Company 



THE close of the Civil War found many a soldier without means 
of livelihood and undecided as to a life's occupation. I was one 
of them. Upon my return from the war, in the spring of 1865, 
I naturally gave the matter much earnest consideration. I was 
living at the time at Riverdale, in Westchester County, New York. 

Several weeks passed by and no decision was made. I knew 
that it was necessary that a decision should be made — and be 
made soon — and finally determined to seek inspiration in the 
mountains of western Massachusetts and, with my friend, Mr. 
Alfred Pell, planned a tramping tour through that beautiful 
country. 

On the last Monday in May, in 1865, Mr. Pell and I left 
Riverdale on our journey in quest of inspiration. We walked 
to the Century House near the old Fordham Bridge — there plan- 
ning to take the Harlem River boat, the "Water Lily," to Harlem. 
From Harlem we piuposed taking the train to Copake and, from 
the latter place, to start on our long walk over Mount Washington, 
in Berkshire County, thence on to Vermont. 

"God moves in a mysterious way His Wonders to perform." 
The "Water Lily" had broken down and was not to make her 
usual trip that day! This mishap was a keen disappointment 
to both of us and, of course, necessitated a change in our plans. 
After a brief conference it was decided to go "into camp" on the 
river bank and await the repairs to the damaged "Water Lily." 
I owe a debt of gratitude to the "Water Lily" for breaking down 
that Monday morning in May, 1865, for there, on the banks of 
the Harlem, came the inspiration and the decision was made. 
And it all came about through a simple question. 

67 



Mr. Pell, it seems, was the owner of ten shares of the original 
Atlantic Cable Company's stock and in the course of conversa- 
tion, told me of a circular which he had received from that Com- 
pany offering to issue to him twenty new shares in lieu of his orig- 
inal holding, provided that he would subscribe for ten more. 
Mr. Pell was undecided what to do and he asked my advice. 
I promptly advised him to accept the offer, for I felt that it was 
only a question of time when the whole world would be con- 
nected by cables. To support my advice, I mentioned the fact 
that I had often thought a cable connecting the United States 
with Cuba and the West Indies would be a paying undertaking, 
provided one company could secure the absolute control for the 
establishment of such a cable line. 

The mention of an "absolute control" suggested to Mr. Pell 
a recent visit he had made to Havana, in the previous winter, 
and he spoke of an influential concern in that city which had 
actually secured the exclusive right for fishing in Spanish waters, 
within fifty miles of Havana, and, Mr. Pell observed casually, 
that if a monopoly could be obtained for fishing it would seem 
to be a simple matter to obtain a monopoly for operating cables 
within Spanish jurisdiction. 

Mr. Pell's simple question, asking for my advice as to cable 
shares, and his reference to the Havana fishing monopoly, com- 
bined possibly with the waters of the Harlem River lying at our 
feet, furnished the inspiration, and the "Water Lily" and the 
tramp through the Berkshires were forgotten or rather abandoned. 
After Mr. Pell had finished speaking, I jumped to my feet, put 
on my knapsack and started to go. Mr. Pell looked up and, in 
surprise, asked where I was going. My reply was both quick 
and decisive, "I am going for that monopoly." Thus began 
my entry into the Cable world. Mr. Pell and I decided to start 
for New York immediately and we were there within two hours. 
We straightway visited the offices of Messrs. Grinnell, Mintum 
& Company, one of the most prominent New York fij-ms engaged 
in the West Indies trade. We were received very kindly and 
courteously by Mr. Robert B. Minturn, who listened attentively 
to my enthusiastic portrayal of the Florida-Cuba-West Indies 
Cable scheme. Mr. Minturn promised to take the matter under 

68 







"i^ 



consideration and said that he would consult some of his friends 
and be able to give a definite answer, as to what he would do, the 
following day at noon. 

Promptly at noon, the next day, I returned to Mr. Minturn's 
office. Mr. Mintiun informed me that he had consulted with 
Moses Taylor, one of the great West India merchants at that 
time, and that they both thought the scheme, which I had sug- 
gested, was one of much merit. Mr. Minturn added, however, 
that both he and Mr. Taylor had grave doubts as to its success. 
Despite the latter discouragement, they each agreed to take a 
third interest in the proposed cable project, offering the remaining 
third to Mr. Pell and me, upon the understanding that Mr. Pell 
and I were to do all the work and that neither Mr. Minturn nor 
Mr. Taylor were to be mentioned in the matter. It seems they 
did not wish their names associated, in any way, with a failure! 
They were willing, nevertheless, to finance the enterprise and 
pay all the expenses and cost of establishment and they must 
have had, in consequence, a far greater faith in the project than 
they were then willing to admit. We accepted the very generous 
offer and started actively in pursuit of the necessary concessions. 

That night I took the train for Washington, hoping to obtain 
letters of recommendation and introduction from the Department 
of State to the American Consul in Havana and, through the 
latter, reach the Spanish Governor-General of Cuba. 

Mr. Seward, then Secretary of State, was just recovering 
from an attempted assassination, part of the conspiracy which 
led to the death of President I^incoln. Secretary Seward, of 
course, could not see me, and the State Department in charge 
of Mr. Henry, the Chief Clerk, declined to assist me. Fortunately, 
I had a personal friend who was the Secretary of the British 
Legation and I applied to him, asking him to secure for me a 
letter from Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, the British Ambassador 
to the United States, introducing me to Captain-General Concha 
of Cuba. This letter I obtained Wednesday afternoon and on 
the following Saturday, I sailed for Havana, fortified with letters 
of introduction, not only to the Captain-General, but from Grin- 
nell; Minturn & Company, New York, to the prominent com- 
mercial houses in Havana. Through the influence of the latter, 

69 



I obtained an interview with the Captain-General within forty- 
eight hours of my arrival in Cuba. His Excellency received me 
most courteously and promised to do everything in his power to 
aid me in my cable undertaking, realizing, as he did, that if the 
Atlantic cable was a success, Madrid would be within one hour's 
cable communication with Havana. 

A formal application for a concession was then prepared and, 
bearing the endorsement of the Captain-General, was forwarded 
by the first mail steamer to Madrid. The Captain-General in- 
formed me that it would be about the first of September before 
I could expect a reply from Madrid, and, in consequence, he ad- 
vised me to return to New York, as the yellow fever was prevalent 
in Havana at that time. I thanked him for the advice, but 
decided to remain in Havana until I heard the result of my applica- 
tion. Those were anxious days and I eagerly watched the arrival 
of every Spanish mail steamer. Finally, at the end of August, 
in calling upon the Captain-General, I was received by his sec- 
retary, who had news for me, but not the news that I was looking 
for! You may imagine my disappointment, my bitter disap- 
pointment, when the secretary told me that he had just received 
a copy of the "Diario Oficial" containing a Decree which granted 
to Messrs. Arturo Marcoartu, the Marquises of Mariano and 
Manzanedo, the Count of Bsteban de Canongo, Michael ChevaUer, 
Ferdinand de Lesseps and Leopold Werner, authority to establish 
the very cable connection for which I had petitioned. I was 
stunned, and upon examination of the Royal Decree found that 
the language of the same was identical with the wording of my 
own petition! I instantly realized that the Royal Decree was 
the key to the whole situation. The secretary of the Captain- 
General was kind enough to furnish me with a copy of it and I 
returned to New York for conference with my associates, Messrs. 
Minturn and Taylor. The latter two said it was useless to go 
further with the scheme and withdrew, offering to pay aU of my 
expenses, which up to that time amounted to $800. I asked 
Messrs. Minturn and Taylor for letters formally withdrawing 
from the scheme and said that I would personally assume all 
expenditures. 

My next step was to give the Royal Decree proper publicity 

70 



in the United States and I arranged with a Captain Starr, who 
had served as a gallant officer in the Army of the Potomac and 
was then in charge of the New York Herald's foreign news bureau, 
to give it the desired publicity. I prepared a statement for pub- 
lication in the Herald, in which I incorporated a translation of 
the Royal Decree of June 30, 1865, granting to Marcoartu and 
his associates the concession for the Cuban-American Cable. 
The article called the attention of the United States Government 
and all of the Chambers of Commerce in the country to the 
dangers of such a concession, showing that American commerce 
would suffer and that a Spanish-owned cable monopoly would 
control the sugar markets of the world. The article clearly stated 
that it was the duty of the United States Government to prohibit 
the landing of such a Spanish cable on the coast of the United 
States unless reciprocal rights for an American cable were granted 
by Spain. It fm-ther emphasized the fact that the Royal Decree 
was identical with my application of early June and quoted dates 
to prove that there was just time for the arrival of my application 
in Madrid, the copying of the same, and the formal reissuance 
thereof in the names of the parties above mentioned, instead of 
in my own name. 

J- Armed with the New York Herald and a copy of the Royal 
f Decree, I immediately went to Washington, and called on the 
Honorable William H. Seward, the Secretary of State, who had 
by that time fully recovered. I had never met Secretary Seward, 
but he received me most kindly. In a few words I explained to 
the Secretary the trouble that had come to my American project 
and the fact that I had been robbed of the concession. I told 
him that as the law stood at that time there was nothing to 
prohibit the landing of a Spanish cable on our shores, provided 
the parties interested owned the property on which the cable was 
to be landed. Secretary Seward became very much interested; 
he arose from his desk and walked to and fro in his office. He 
finally stopped and turning to me said, "Young man, you are 
mistaken, the three-mile limit off shore is to prohibit an enemy 
from erecting a battery which would be dangerous to the upland. 
A cable being silent and secret in its operation, is many times more 
dangerous than an enemy's battery." He then advised me to 

71 



lay my scheme before the United States Congress and assured 
me that I would have his personal assistance in obtaining rights 
sufficient to checkmate the Spanish concessionaires. Acting 
upon Secretary Seward's advice, I formed a Company under the 
laws of the State of New York, The International Ocean Telegraph 
Company, the incorporators being James A. Scrymser, Alfred Pell, 
Alexander Hamilton, Jr., Oliver K. King, Maturin L. Delafield, 
Major-General William F. Smith and James M. Digges, the latter 
my brother-in-law. 

A Bill was formally introduced in Congress in December, 
1865, granting to The International Ocean Telegraph Company 
the sole right to establish cables between Florida and the West 
Indies for a period of fourteen years (that being the duration of 
the patent right to which Mr. Seward considered I was entitled 
and of which I was deprived by the action of the Spanish Gov- 
ernment). The Bill passed the House unanimously and finally 
passed the Senate after a sharp fight. 

General William F. Smith (commonly called "Baldy") 
had left the United States service at the close of the war. I had 
served as his Aide-de-camp in many battles between the years 
of 1 86 1 and 1865. General Smith wrote to me from Chicago, 
saying that he had seen my name associated with a cable enter- 
prise which he thought possessed much merit. General Smith 
asked if there was any show for him in the project, adding that 
if there was, he would be very glad to offer his services, for, he 
said, if General Grant is made President, he will send me to 
Alaska (because of an unfortunate quarrel Smith had had with 
Grant and others in the Army). 

I at once called a meeting of my associates for the purpose 
of formal organization. General William F. Smith was elected 
President of the Company with a salary of $10,000 a year and 
$100,000 of stock, contributed by myself and friends. The 
new President, General Smith, at once departed for Madrid 
with letters from Secretary Seward and others to the then Amer- 
ican Minister, Hon. John P. Hale. General Smith was success- 
ful in proving conclusively that the concession granted on the 
30th of June, 1865, to Marcoartu and his associates was a palpa- 
ble fraud. This was a simple matter to do as I had already ob- 

72 



tained letters from Marcoartu's associates, the Marquises of 
Mariano and Manzanedo, the Count of Esteban de Canongo, 
Ferdinand de Lesseps and others, stating that their names had 
been used by Marcoartu without authority, and each gentleman 
authorized me to say that he had withdrawn from any connec- 
tion with Marcoartu's enterprise. General Smith, in view of 
all this, soon obtained a Royal Decree annulling the Marcoartu 
Concession and granting to General Smith, as representative of 
The International Ocean Telegraph Company, a concession 
covering all of the rights for which I had originally asked. This 
concession was dated Madrid, June 17, 1866. General Smith 
was very largely aided in his negotiations with the Spanish Gov- 
ernment by Horatio J. Perry, the Secretary of the United States 
Legation at Madrid. This concession was subsequently made 
an exclusive one for a period of forty years and expired June 
17, 1906. 

Based on this concession and exclusive rights granted by 
the United States Congress dated May 5, 1866, and signed by 
President Andrew Johnson, The International Ocean Telegraph 
Compan}'- was completely organized and the contract for the cable 
was made with The India Rubber, Gutta Percha and Telegraph 
Works Company, Limited, of London and, later, the cable was 
successfully laid between Punta Rassa, Florida and Havana, 
via Key West. 

The cable was first opened to the public in December, 1866, 
and, from the start, its traffic was large and profitable. The first 
tariff, I remember, was $10 for a message of ten words and $1 .00, 
for each word in excess. ■''" 

Unfortunately, General Smith, who was a very ambitious 
man, quarreled with Cyrus W. Field and the Western Union 
Telegraph Company officials, and the quarrel resulted in the 
Western Union finally obtaining control of The International 
Ocean Telegraph Company. 

In December, 1866, General E. S. Sanford, President of the 
American Telegraph Company, and Dr. Norvin Green, called 
upon me to demand, in the name of their Company, that the 
International Ocean Telegraph Company should enter into an 
agreement with the American Telegraph Company whereby the 

73 



latter' s lines should not be extended northward beyond the city 
of Gainesville, Georgia, and that all Florida and West India 
traffic to places north of Gainesville should be handed to the 
American Telegraph Company, the arrangement being reciprocal 
on south-bound traffic. 

The International Ocean Telegraph Company, under this 
agreement, was to retain control over all Florida and West India 
traffic. (The American Telegraph Company afterwards became 
the Western Union Telegraph Company.) 

I foresaw the value of the future Florida traffic and at once 
advised that the International Ocean Telegraph Company should 
enter into the thirty-year agreement proposed by Dr. Norvin 
Green and his associates. An agreement, on the lines mentioned, 
was made and it is needless to state that, within the thirty years, 
the Florida traffic proved of great value, greater than all of the 
West India traffic combined. 

Subsequently, General E. S. Sanford and William G. Fargo, 
through powers of attorney issued by the International Ocean 
Telegraph Company to that Company's agent. Baron von Hippie, 
obtained concessions and sudsidies from the more important 
West India Islands, amounting to £17,000 per annum. Based 
upon these concessions, the West India and Panama Telegraph 
Company, an English corporation, was formed. That Company 
laid its cables from Cienfuegos to Santiago, Cuba, thence to Colon, 
on the Isthmus of Panama, and through the West India Islands 
as far as Demerara, with the ultimate intention of extending the 
same to Brazil. It was later discovered, however, that the Bra- 
zilian Government had already granted to the Brazilian Sub- 
marine Telegraph Company (afterwards the Western Telegraph 
Company) an exclusive right to the entire coast of Brazil for a 
period of sixty years from March, 1870. This, of course, blocked 
the proposed Brazil extension of the West India and Panama 
Telegraph Company. 

An extension from Panama, southward, on the Pacific side, 
was thought to be impracticable, because of the fact that the 
Panama Railroad Company, which held the transit monopoly 
of the Isthmus of Panama, demanded such a large share of the 
tolls for carrying the traffic across the Isthmus. The Panama 

74 



Railroad Company's proportion was so large that there would 
have been very little profit left for any cable extension South of 
Panama. It was also a recognized fact that the South American 
Republics were decidedly unwilling to have their messages routed 
by way of Cuba for, at that time, there was an exceedingly hos- 
tile feeling upon the part of those republics against the mother 
country, Spain. 

In 1878, Mr. Jay Gould secured control of the International 
Ocean Telegraph Company and its capital was increased from 
$1,500,000 to $3,000,000, the Western Union Telegraph Company 
leasing the Company for ninety-nine years and guaranteeing six 
per cent on the increased capital. About this time I left the 
Board of Directors of the International Ocean Telegraph Com- 
pany, as I saw no prospect of the extension of its lines. I could 
foresee the value of extension southward and it is a regrettable 
fact that I met with nothing but discouragement from those who 
were well informed in regard to the commercial conditions in 
South America, with the single exception of the late J. Pierpont 
Morgan, 

2 
Mexican Telegraph Company 

After retiring from the Board of Directors of the International 
Ocean Telegraph Company, I turned my attention toward Mexico 
and Central and South America. For seven years I had been 
planning a telegraph communication with those countries. 

It will be recalled that General Diaz had become President 
of Mexico as a revolutionist and the United States Government 
in consequence had refused for many years to recognize the Gov- 
ernment of Mexico. President Diaz and his government were 
finally recognized by the United States in 1879. Because of this 
non-recognition I had been forced to keep my Mexican scheme 
a profound secret. When the recognition finally came, I felt 
that it was time to act. 

As a preliminary step I applied to the Western Union Tele- 
graph Company for a contract for the handling of all of its Mexi- 
can and Central American traffic. I was told that there was no 
business with Mexico worth my while to exploit and that the 

75 



Western Union Telegraph Company did not find its Mexican 
trafi&c at all profitable. I was persistent, however, and fiinally 
concluded a satisfactory contract with the Western Union Tele- 
graph Company. 

Armed with this contract, I went to Mexico in 1879 with 
letters of introduction from the proprietors of the Alexandre 
Steamship Company, then operating a line of steamers between 
New York and Vera Cruz. These letters of introduction resulted 
in my interesting two influential Mexican gentlemen, Senor Don 
Ramon G. Guzman and Senor Don Sebastian Camacho. These 
gentlemen arranged for a personal interview between General 
Diaz and myself. General Diaz was most courteous and fore- 
saw the necessity of reliable cable communication with Mexico. 
In less than a week a contract was signed by President Diaz, 
granting to the Mexican Telegraph Company permission to es- 
tablish its cables and lines, connecting the City of Mexico, Vera 
Cruz and Tampico with a station in the State of Texas. 

Arrangements were made for the exchange of Mexican and 
Central American traffic with the Western Union Telegraph 
Company's lines at Galveston, Texas, and the cable was laid 
and in operation within one year of the signing of the contract. 
Contrary to the discouraging view of Mr. William Orton, then 
President of the Western Union Telegraph Company, the VIA 
GALVESTON route was a success from the start and imme- 
diately became a valuable and growing feeder to the lines of the 
Western Union Telegraph Company. 

Mr. Orton's misjudgment of the value of the Mexican traffic 
reminds me of the time he refused to take an interest in the 
Bell Telephone invention. In the early days of that in- 
vention, at the request of Mr. Hilborne Roosevelt, of New York, 
I interviewed Mr. Orton with the view of having his company 
take an interest in pushing the new invention. Mr. Roosevelt 
held an option on the Bell patents for the State of New York 
and these were subject to a royalty of $8,000 a year. I was told 
by Mr. Orton that "Telephony was a thing like the comet then 
in the heavens, magnificent, but no good." I remember reply- 
ing to Mr. Orton that the time would come when the telephone 
would largely supersede the Western Union Telegraph Company. 

76 




CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICAN TELEGRAPH CO. BUILDING, 
BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINE 



The Mexican Telegraph Company has always been most 
fortunate in the personnel of its Boards of Directors; men of dis- 
tinction and standing, and I have counted it a privilege indeed 
to associate with men like John W. Auchincloss, Edmund L. 
Baylies, R. Fulton Cutting, John J. Pierrepont, Percy R. Pyne, 
William Emlen Roosevelt, Charles Howland Russell and Cornelius 
Vanderbilt, comprising the present Board. 

I have already referred to Senor Don Sebastian Camacho, 
of the City of Mexico. Senor Camacho has acted as the Com- 
pany's Resident Vice-President in that City for many years 
and it is a pleasure to testify to his fidelity and ability and his 
zeal for the Company's interests. 



Central and South American Telegraph Company 

The Mexican Telegraph Company was so highly successful 
that I determined to lose no time in extending the system to 
Central and South America, operating the same under a separate 
company, to be known as the Central and South American Tele- 
graph Company. 

It was necessary, of course, to interest capital in the enter- 
prise and, with that in view, I called upon Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, 
then a Director in the Mexican Telegraph Company, to explain 
my scheme. In the course of om- conversation, I casually inti- 
mated that I purposed going to London to raise the necessary 
capital there. Mr. Morgan quickly responded (as I thought 
he would do) that I could do better in New York than I could in 
London, and he immediately invited me to meet some of his 
friends at the Union League Club the following evening at din- 
ner. The dinner was a most enjoyable aflfair and Mr. Morgan 
had as his guests, among others, Edward D. Adams, Charles 
Lanier and John W. Ellis. The conversation was most general 
and not a word was said about cable enterprises until the coffee 
and cigars were served. It was then that Mr. Morgan turned 
to me and asked me to explain my Central and South American 
Cable scheme. I did so as briefly and as concisely as possible, 
and Mr. Morgan and the others seemed to be greatly interested. 

77 



After I had finished my explanation, Mr. Morgan asked me 
in that quick and decisive way for which he was famous, "How 
much money do you need?" I replied, "Five million dollars." 
Mr. Morgan came back with, " Can't you get along with less than 
five million?" "Not a cent less," I replied, for I knew that it 
was a hazardous undertaking and I wanted to be sure that I 
would have enough money to meet any contingency which might 
arise. In less than ten minutes the money was promised and 
an agreement effected whereby I was to have four millions of 
dollars on demand and the banking houses of Drexel, Morgan & 
Company, Winslow, Lanier & Company and Drexel & Company 
were to advance me another million, if required. 

The Central and South American Telegraph Company was 
a paying undertaking from the start, and the wisdom of its pro- 
moters was fully justified. When the Company opened its lines 
to the public in 1882, the rate between the United States and 
Buenos Aires was $7.50 per word. New York, San Francisco, 
etc., being counted as two words. The present rate between the 
Argentine Republic, Chile, Peru and the United States is 65 
cents per word and the average time of transmission between 
Buenos Aires and New York City is about twenty minutes. The 
Company has been of inestimable service to American commerce 
and American diplomacy and, I repeat, the wisdom of its pro- 
motors has been fully justified. 

The Central and South American Telegraph Company has 
also been fortunate in the personnel of its Boards of Directors, 
men of distinction and note, highly respected in many walks of 
life. The pjesent board consists of Edward D. Adams, Robert 
W. de Forest, William Pierson Hamilton, J. Montgomery Hare, 
Francis L. Higginson, Charles Lanier, William Emlen Roosevelt 
and William D. Sloane; association with these men has been a 
rare privilege. 



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Map of the Mexican and Central and South 
American Telegraph Co/s Systems 



THE accompanying map clearly describes the VIA GALVES- 
TON and VIA COLON systems of the Mexican Telegraph 
Company and the Central and South American Telegraph Com- 
pany. On the map, I have inserted the duplicate New 
York-Colon Cable, which is to be laid within a few months, and, 
by means of dotted lines, have shown the proposed new exten- 
sions from Buenos Aires, in the Argentine, to Santos and Rio de 
Janeiro, in the Republic of Brazil. 

With the map there is printed mileage summaries of cables 
and landlines. These summaries include the new duplicate 
New York-Colon Cable about to be laid, but do not include the 
new cables from Buenos Aires to Santos and Rio de Janeiro, 
about 1 200 miles and 1300 miles, respectively. 

It is an impressive fact that the cables of the Central and 
South American Telegraph Company rest on the bottom at a 
depth of 18,000 feet in the Pacific Ocean and at a height of 12,000 
feet at the highest point in the Andes, making a total measurement 
of six miles from the bottom of the Pacific Ocean to the top of 
the Andes mountains. 



79 



Genius of Electricity 



THE accompanying illustration is a photograph of a very hand- 
some and unique gift with which I was honored in 1885. The 
"Genius of Electricity" is a beautiful bronze and surmounts a 
clock in the shape of the globe. 

The gift is explained in the following correspondence: 

New York, November 27, 1885. 
Dear Mr. Scrymser: 

Please accept the accompanying "Genius of Electricity" as 
an evidence of our appreciation of your singleness of purpose, your 
untiring application, and your skilful management in the protection 
and development of the cable business in which we are mutually 
interested. 

Sincerely yours, 

Drexel, Morgan & Co. 
WiNSLOw, Lanier & Co. 
Drexel & Co. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq., 
Present. 

Central and South American Telegraph Co. 

New York, December 7, 1885. 
Gentlemen : 

I sincerely thank you for the beautiful gift received on Satur- 
day last, of the " Genius of Electricity," and your complimentary let- 
ter accompanying it. 

In reciprocating your congratulations I must disclaim having 
done more than my duty to yourselves and others, without whose 
aid and encouragement this cable enterprise could not have realized 
so signal a success. 

With such sentiments of mutual confidence I feel assured that 
otir good work must prosper and extend. I am, gentlemen. 

Your obedient servant, 

James A. Scrymser. 
Messrs. Drexel, Morgan & Co. 
Messrs. Winslow, Lanier & Co. 
Messrs. Drexel & Co. 



80 




GENIUS OF ELECTRICITY 

Presented to Captain Scrymser by Drexel, Morgan and Co.; Winslow. 

Lanier and Co.; Drexel and Co. 



Extension to Brazil 



THE cable system of the Central and South American Tele- 
graph Company now extends as far as Buenos Aires in the 
Argentine Republic. 

Because of exclusive concessions granted by Brazil to English 
companies, we have been unable to extend our cables to Brazil. 
For the perfection of the Central and South American cable sys- 
tem I have striven incessantly for forty-six years to gain cable 
landings there. The exclusive English concessions referred to 
have recently lapsed and, if all goes well, the lines of the Central 
and South American Telegraph Company will be landed in Rio 
de Janeiro and in Santos, Brazil, before many months, by authority 
of the Brazilian Government. 

It is unnecessary to make detailed mention of my efforts 
to reach Brazil. It will be of interest, however, if I insert in these 
reminiscences the initial correspondence between Secretary of 
State, Hon. William H. Seward, and myself, as follows: 

New York, March 26, 1868. 
Hon. William H. Seward, 
Secretary of State, 
Washington. 
Sir: 

As the projector and a Director of the International Ocean 
Telegraph Co. (Cuba and Florida Telegraph), I desire to obtain 
from the Government of Brazil the necessary aid and authority 
to extend the Unes of the Co. over the West India Islands to a con- 
venient point on the coast of Brazil. 

With the view of effecting the accomplishment of this important 
enterprise, I have the honor respectfully to request that you be 
pleased to authorize and instruct our Minister to Brazil to present to 
that Government the application forwarded for that purpose by the 
mail steamer which left for Rio de Janeiro on the 22nd inst. 
I have the honor to be. Sir, 

Very respectfully, 

James A. Scrymser. 

81 



Department of State, 
Washington, March 30, 1868. 
Jas. Watson Webb, Esq., 
&c., &c., Rio de Janeiro. 
Sir: 

I herewith enclose to you a copy of a communication addressed 
to this Department by Jas. A. Scrymser, Esqr., projector and a 
Director of the International Ocean Telegraph Company desiring to 
obtain aid and authority from the Brazilian Government to ex- 
tend the lines of his Company over the West India Islands to a 
convenient point on the coast of Brazil. 

You are instructed to give such assistance as may be in your 
power towards effecting the accomplishment of the object in view. 
I am, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 

W. H. Seward. 

Even in those early days, Secretary of State Seward fore- 
saw the strategic value of cables to this Government and the vital 
importance of an American-owned cable system with Mexico, 
Central and South America, and his distinguished successors 
have, like him, rendered me every possible assistance in my 
endeavor to secure for the United States of America an all- Amer- 
ican cable system to the south of us. 

The Monroe Doctrine makes such a system doubly impera- 
tive. 

The establishment of these all-American lines is of vital 
national importance. If these same lines had been estabUshed 
by foreigners the United States Government, in case of war, 
might be debarred from making use of them, especially so if the 
question of neutrality were enforced. 



82 



Side-Lights on Cable Management 



IN its early days the Central and South American Telegraph 
Company, like many South American enterprises, discovered 
that investors were critical and fearful of South American revolu- 
tions, earthquakes, etc. I never shared in these fears and in all of 
my forty-seven years of experience in dealing with twenty-one 
nationalities, I have had less trouble with all of them together 
than I have had with the United States Government during the 
past five years. 

In fact, I recall but two instances in which the Central and 
South American Telegraph Company has met with any difficulty, 
once in Guatemala and once in Chile. 

In Guatemala, the cable ship "Silvertown" was about to 
land oiu" cable at San Jos^, under an exclusive concession, which 
Guatemala had granted to the Central and South American 
Telegraph Company. It so happened that on the very day 
planned for the landing of our cable at San Jos^, I noticed an arti- 
cle in a newspaper to the effect that Guatemala had also granted 
a concession to an English company, for the laying of a cable 
between Guatemala, on the Atlantic side, with Cuba. This con- 
cession was, of coiu-se, entirely contrary to the exclusive conces- 
sion which Guatemala had granted to oiu: Company. In conse- 
quence, I immediately ordered the cable ship not to land the 
cable at San Jos6, Guatemala, but to proceed to La Libertad, 
San Salvador. This action made Guatemala wholly dependent 
upon cable communication through San Salvador. Such routing 
was not what Guatemala wanted and Guatemala showed much 
jealousy in the matter and ultimately a war took place between 
Guatemala and Salvador. The war was a long one and Guate- 
mala came out bankrupt despite the fact that previously the coun- 
try had been in a most prosperous condition. In the final battle 
the President of Guatemala, Senor Barrios, was killed and his 
Army defeated. 

83 



Year after year Guatemala sent delegations to us in New 
York urging independent cable connection. These delegations 
were always told that if Guatemala would deposit $200,000 in 
gold and guarantee a contract which would not be violated, as the 
first contract had been, cable communication with Guatemala 
would be established. Our offer was finally agreed to and a 
day was fixed for the landing of the cable at San Jos^, Guatemala. 
The President of Guatemala and his staff, in gorgeous uniforms, 
journeyed to San Jos^ in a private car stocked with champagne 
and other luxuries. Messages had been prepared for transmis- 
sion to the Royalties of Europe and to the President of the United 
States, but, unfortunately for the festivities, a decline in silver 
had taken place and we were short $5,000 gold in the cm-rency 
equivalent of the $200,000 gold which the Government was to 
pay us. I positively declined to open the cable until that balance 
was deposited. The President of Guatemala proposed to arbi- 
trate the matter, which I declined. They drank their champagne 
and in the course of the following week the balance was made 
good and the cable opened to the public. 

In Chile, we had trouble during the Balmaceda revolution. 
The navy remained loyal and the headquarters of the Government 
were transferred from Santiago to Iquique, where the Congress 
met aboard ship and the Government was carried on in the most 
formal manner. The southern part of Chile was under the con- 
trol of the Balmaceda party and our manager was verbally ordered 
to close the cable. On being informed of this demand, I in- 
structed our manager to require a written order and not to ac- 
cept verbal orders. Upon receipt of a written order, the Val- 
paraiso end of the cable was closed and the Company suffered a 
considerable loss of trafiic, in consequence. At the conclusion 
of the war it was arranged that all American claims should be 
settled by arbitration and, because of the written order which 
we presented, the Board of Arbitration awarded our Company 
$28,298. 



84 



Wireless Competition 



IN my experience as President of the Mexican Telegraph Com- 
pany and Central and South American Telegraph Company, 
I have found considerable apprehension among the shareholders, 
during the past ten years, over possible competition resulting 
from a perfected wireless telegraphy. Although I have realized 
the immense value of wireless telegraphy, I have not shared in 
this solicitude. 

Recent events in Vera Cruz have shown that our Companies 
have little to fear from wireless competition in the tropics. As an 
evidence, I may cite the fact that the United States Government 
has established wireless stations on the Isthmus of Panama; 
at Guantanamo, Cuba; at Key West, Florida; at Pensacola, 
Florida; and at Arlington, near Washington; all at a cost esti- 
mated at over four million dollars and the further significant 
fact, that during the first three months of our military occupa- 
tion of Vera Cruz over thirty United States naval vessels, fully 
equipped with the most costly wireless apparatus, have failed to 
establish satisfactory wireless communication between Vera 
Cruz and the Government stations mentioned. Most, if not all, 
of the official telegrams between the military and naval forces at 
Vera Cruz and places in the United States were transmitted over 
the cables of the Mexican Telegraph Company and to the entire 
satisfaction of United States Government oSicials. 

It is curious, too, to note that the newspaper reports, at that 
time, mentioned on a number of occasions that wireless communi- 
cation between our naval vessels at Vera Cruz and Tampico, a 
distance of about 220 miles, had been frequently interrupted 
and delayed because of local thunderstorms and consequent 
electrical disturbances. 



85 



Mr. Jay Gould's Opposition 



IN speaking of the organization of the Central and South Amer- 
ican Telegraph Company, the readers of my reminiscences will, 
I am sure, be interested in one incident of early opposition to the 
scheme for which I had worked so zealously. 

When we were ready to launch the Company, we naturally 
issued a Prospectus, containing map and full information of the 
commerce and population of Central and South America. 

One day, shortly after the issuance of this Prospectus, a boy 
applied at my office for a copy. He was an entire stranger and 
there was something in his manner which aroused my suspicion. 
I told my office boy to give him the Prospectus but to follow him, 
when he went out, and if possible locate where he came from. 
Within a short time my "detective" returned, having success- 
fully located the messenger to whom the Prospectus had been 
delivered, and reported to me that the "other boy" belonged to 
the office of the President of the Western Union Telegraph 
Company. 

That afternoon I took occasion to drop into the Executive 
Office of the Western Union, knowing that they had had time to 
dissect and digest the Prospectus of the Central and South Amer- 
ican Telegraph Company, for which they had sent that morn- 
ing. I was greeted by the Vice-President, General Eckert, and 
then, for the first time, met Mr. Jay Gould. 

Mr. Gould ' ' looked me over ' ' thoroughly. I could see that his 
mind was fixed upon the Central and South American Telegraph 
Company's Prospectus and that he did not realize that I was the 
man who had played a rather important part in the promotion 
of the International Ocean Telegraph Company, operating a 
cable between Florida and Cuba. 

Mr. Gould said to me, "Why didn't you bring that South 
American cable scheme to this office — this is the headquarters 
of all such schemes and where they receive prompt attention?" 

86 



He then paused, finally adding, in slowly measured words, "I 
want to tell you, sir, I intend to oppose you!" I realized at once 
the great importance of a prompt counter ofTensive movement 
and replied: "Mr. Gould, people who live in glass houses must 
not throw stones. You think your Havana cable has a monopoly, 
I presume?" "I don't think anything about it, I know," was his 
quick rejoinder, to which I answered, "I organized that Com- 
pany (International Ocean Telegraph Company) and know it 
better than you do and know, too, that you have doubled its 
capital to three millions of dollars and have caused the Western 
Union to guarantee six per cent, interest upon the whole amount. 
We may as well understand one another at once, Mr. Gould. 
You tell me you are going to oppose my South American cable 
scheme; if you do, I will attack your Havana cable scheme." 
"Go ahead," replied Mr. Gould, "and it will be a fight to the fin- 
ish." After this interview you may be sm-e that I kept my eyes 
and ears open. 

Shortly after, I learned that General Grant was in the City 
of Mexico, as the agent of Jay Gould and under "orders" to have 
oiu" Mexican concession canceled or to obtain another for a cable 
which could parallel ours. In course of time it transpired that 
General Grant was the innocent but influential agent of Mr. 
Gould for promoting the Gould railroad system, with Mexico 
as its terminal. 

Realizing that a combination such as General Grant and 
Jay Gould was an "opposition" that required decisive action, I 
at once cabled to London, instructing my agents there to obtain 
for the Central and South American Telegraph Company a con- 
cession from the Spanish Government for the laying of a cable 
between Havana and Vera Cruz, This concession was promptly 
secured. 

Of course, the Western Union and Mr. Gould soon learned of 
my flank move on Havana. Some time later, I met General 
Grant in New York. He had just returned from Mexico and I 
referred to his work there for a telegraph concession. General 
Grant replied that he was simply obeying the "orders" of Mr. 
Gould. 1 

1 It was indeed a painful sight to me to see the first General of the United States 
Army and an ex-President of the United States acting as Mr. Gould's agent, going from 

87 



Mr. Jay Gould did not secure the telegraph concession 
from Mexico, but he did learn of my success in securing the con- 
cession from Spain. 

Shortly after Spain had granted the concession for a cable 
between Havana and Vera Cruz, on my trip downtown one morn- 
ing, on the Third Avenue elevated, I noticed a man, seated oppo- 
site, buried in his newspaper, but occasionally looking over its 
top at me. I soon discovered that it was Mr. Jay Gould and I 
made up my mind to pass him by as if he were an entire stranger. 

As I walked up William Street, someone seized me by the 
elbow and said he would like to have a few words with me. It 
was Mr. Gould. As it was raining hard, we stepped into the door- 
way of one of the large office buildings. Mr. Gould opened the 
conversation. "Mr Scrymser," he said, "you will recall our 
conversation in the Western Union building. I have been think- 
ing it over and have concluded that there is no reason why our 
interests should conflict and I wish to say, Mr. Scrymser, that I 
have decided not to oppose your scheme." I replied, "Mr. 
Gould, you are too late. I have planned to extend our cable to 
Havana." 

He looked at me sharply and then advised that I should see 
General Eckert, the Vice-President of the Western Union Tele- 
graph Company, saying that he would see him himself in the 
meantime. He then expressed the hope that we could come to a 
peaceful understanding. I told Mr. Gould that General Eckert 
knew where my office was and that if he had anything to propose 
I should be very glad to see him. General Eckert called on me 
later and the Gould opposition was formally withdrawn, Mr. 
Gould agreeing to defray the expense of the one thousand pounds 
deposit which my agents had made for me in Madrid. 

This contest occurred about thirty -five years ago; since that 
time my relations with the Western Union Telegraph Company 
have been most satisfactory and cordial in every respect. 

office to office in New York to collect the ten per cent, dues on syndicate subscriptions 
to the "Occidental Railway," which railway Mr. Gould was then picturing to the public 
as an "international" railroad scheme. General Grant was evidently unaware that he 
was performing a work usually performed by office boys and, in his innocence, was evidently 
proud of the fact that he was the personal representative of a railway scheme which was 
being "boomed" largely through his own personality, with good effect in New York and 
Europe. It is needless to add that the Occidental Company, which was to control all the 
railway systems of Mexico, never materialized and the Wabash and other railroads which 
were to connect with the Occidental have been repeatedly in the hands of receivers since 
that time. 



Count Ferdinand de Lesseps 



A STORY of the start of the Mexican and Central and South 
American Telegraph Companies would be incomplete with- 
out a reference to Count Ferdinand de Lesseps. 

In the spring of 1880, Count de Lesseps visited New York 
on his way to the Isthmus of Panama, his first visit there. It 
was a delight and a privilege to meet the Count, which I fre- 
quently did, while he was in New York. His enthusiasm and 
determination were contagious. 

I find in my old files a copy of a letter which I wrote to the 
Count and his reply, wherein reference is also made to a projected 
line across the Pacific Ocean. These two letters follow: 

Mexican Telegraph Company, 

New York, March 30, 1880. 
Count Ferdinand de Lesseps, 

Windsor Hotel, New York. 
Dear Sir : 

I enclose for your examination the map and prospectus of the 
Mexican Telegraph Company; also a Telegraphic Chart of the 
World. 

You will note that the route of the Mexican Telegraph Com- 
pany furnishes the telegraphic link necessary to connect South 
and Central America with the United States and Eiirope. 

You will also observe that the projected line across the Pacific 
Ocean from the coast of Central America to New Zealand, Australia, 
China and Japan will insure a direct and certain route to the East. 
Despatches will then be forwarded in one language, avoiding the 
mistakes and delays occurring on the route via Russia, Turkey, 
Persia and India, besides secxiring for the $50,000,000 of capital 
invested in the North Atlantic cables, the European and Ameri- 
can traffic to and from the East which now goes via Russia, and the 
Asiatic countries. 

It is now too late to discuss the abstract question of the use- 
fulness of the telegraph. It would be as easy now to dispense with 
the steam engine on land as to forego the use of the submarine 
cable across the seas. I feel assured that this cable now submitted 
to yoiu- clear appreciation wiU become one of the most important 

89 



auxiliaries of your great undertaking, the Panama Canal, even dur- 
ing its construction. 
I remain, dear sir, 

Yours respectfully, 

James A. Scrymser, 

President. 

New York, March 31, 1880. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq. 

President, Mexican Telegraph Company, 
New York. 
Dear Sir: 

I thank you for the interesting details you give me relative 
to the telegraphic communication established, and to be estab- 
lished, between the American continent and the rest of the world. 

I am particularly struck with the advantages that will result 
from placing Japan, China, Australia, etc., etc., in telegraphic 
communication with the United States and Europe, by connecting 
the end of your projected Central American cables with the tele- 
graphic system of New Zealand and Australia. 

The submarine lines now connecting Europe with America 
will gain enormously thereby, on account of the rapidity and uni- 
formity of messages to and from those far off countries, messages 
which are now transmitted by the complicated and uncertain way 
of Russia and the Asiatic countries. 

Central America is on the eve of witnessing great events, nota- 
bly, the cutting of the Isthmus of Panama, which will give those 
regions an incalculable importance and will cause your system of 
submarine lines in the Pacific to become indispensable. 

Your American spirit of enterprise reverses the established order 
of things; henceforth to communicate from Europe eastward we will 
have to go West. 

Accept with my thanks my most sincere wishes for the success 
of your important undertaking, in which you are so well seconded 
by your worthy Vice-President, Mr. de Sabla, my friend and co- 
laborer in the great work of the Panama Canal. 

Yours very truly, 

Ferd. de Lesseps. 

One of Count de Lesseps prominent associates was Bonaparte 
Wyse, who, with his wife, visited New York a year before the 
Count's visit. Mr. Wyse possessed also a most inspiring enthu- 
siasm in his faith in the Panama Canal project. It was Mr. Wyse 
who obtained the original concession from the United States of 

90 




COUNT FERDINAND DE LESSEPS 



Colombia, under which the de Lesseps Company was formed and 
exploited. 

Another prominent worker with Count de Lesseps was my 
cable associate, Theodore J. de Sabla. He was most active in 
the Canal project and his large acquaintance in the United States 
of Colombia proved most useful to de Lesseps and Wyse in se- 
curing the necessary concessions and in developing the plans 
which were finally adopted by the de Lesseps Company. 

The completion of the Panama Canal by the United States 
Government recalls those early days and the faith in the under- 
taking displayed by Count de Lesseps and others. 



91 



Value of American-Owned Cables to the American 

Government and Necessity of Governmental 

Jurisdiction 



THE great European War has taught the nations the immense 
value of strategic cables. For years Great Britain, France 
and Germany have been diligently engaged in establishing cable 
communication entirely independent of each other. English, 
French and German Cable Companies have been heavily subsi- 
dized by their respective Governments. Complete control of 
cable communication is most desirable in times of peace and it 
is most essential in times of war, for it then guarantees to a Gov- 
ernment a means of communication with its navy and its minis- 
ters abroad which, because of strict neutrality laws, the Govern- 
ment would not enjoy if forced to depend upon a foreign cable 
system. 

For years I have been endeavoring to impress upon the 
United States Government the vital importance of such control. 
Its importance was many times exemplified in oiu" war with 
Spain. 

The Mexican Telegraph Company and the Central and South 
American Telegraph Company, comprising altogether a system 
of nearly seventeen thousand miles and connecting Washington, 
telegraphically, with Mexico and all of the Central and South 
American Republics, have given to the Government, gratuitously, 
an ail-American cable system, the value of which is inestimable. 

I say "gratuitously," for the United States Government has 
never contributed one cent to the establishment of this great 
system to the South of us. 

The origin of these two Companies has already been alluded 
I to, but it is an interesting fact worth recording that they grew 
out of a monopoly which was granted by the United States Con- 
gress in 1865 to the International Ocean Telegraph Company. 
Little was it dreamed at that time that the sole right for 14 
years then granted was destined to be the foundation stone of 

92 



an ail-American cable system with Mexico, Central and South 
America. 

Although neither Company has ever received a subsidy from 
the United States Government, I feel that here I should record 
my sincere appreciation of the assistance which we have received, 
diplomatically, from the following Secretaries of State, viz., 
William H. Seward, Thomas F. Bayard, James G. Blaine, Fred- 
erick T. Frelinghuysen, John Hay, EHhu Root, Philander C. 
Knox and William Jennings Bryan, and from the present As- 
sistant Secretary of State, Robert Lansing. All of these distin- 
guished officials have been far-seeing enough to recognize the 
political and commercial value of an independent American 
cable communication and have ably assisted in the establishment 
and extension of the system. 

It is regrettable, however, that other high officials of the United 
States Government have blindly opposed the extension of the 
cables of our two Companies and have been the means of with- 
holding the governmental support to which the Companies were 
entitled, in their endeavor to strengthen an all-American cable 
system. In some quarters, in recent years, it has been consid- 
ered unwise (politically) to aid "corporations" and to give them 
the encouragement, support and protection to which they are en- 
titled. 

It is well, occasionally, to ponder upon the fact that if it 
had not been for the prompt and wise action of Secretary Seward, 
in 1865, the present system to which I have referred (connecting 
United States with Mexico, Central and South America) might 
to-day be in foreign hands and, in case of war, our Government,, 
if so engaged, would sufifer very considerably. 

Our absolute unpreparedness at the time of the war with 
Spain was pitiable, although our sins of omission were ultimately 
forgotten in the victory of the United States. 

The purpose of this article is to emphasize the value of Amer- 
ican-owned cables and a brief history of our cable troubles both in 
Cuba and in Manila, during the Spanish war, will not, I am sure, 
be amiss. 

When war was declared, our Government and its officers 
were wholly unprepared to arrange for telegraphic communica- 

93 



tion with the island of Cuba, where, it was expected, our Army- 
would land, at either Matanzas or Santiago. There was not a 
cable repair ship in the United States service, and no materials 
whatsoever for picking up or laying cables, were available. 

After the declaration of war, in the Spring of 1898, I received 
a wire from Washington asking me to make an appointment 
for the next morning at 8.00 o'clock with a high Government 
officer, who wished to see me on important official business. 
The appointment was made, and at the hour named the proposed 
conference took place. I found the high official very much ex- 
cited. He told me that the Army was about to be dispatched 
from Florida to Santiago and that the President had no means 
of communicating with it when it reached there. He confided 
to me that the Government had thought of the possibihty of 
using the British cable, running from Colon, on the Isthmus of 
Panama, to Santiago, via Jamaica, in connection with the lines 
of the Central and South American Telegraph Company, then 
running from New York to Colon, via Galveston. 

"In this emergency," said my distinguished visitor, "the 
Government has given me authority to purchase the British 
cable outright." I listened until he had fully outlined the Gov- 
ernment's plans and then was obliged to point out to him the 
fact that inasmuch as the cable in question was a British-owned 
cable, it would be a distinct violation of neutrality for the United 
States Government to make use of it, even should the Govern- 
ment buy every share of the British Cable Company. "Spain," 
I said, "would protest at once and the English Government 
must, by the rule of nations, prohibit either its purchase or its 
use by the American Government. And, if it were possible for 
our Government to purchase the said cable," I remarked, "the 
cable would be of no use unless it were picked up off Santiago 
and landed on the coast of Cuba under cover of our guns." 

My visitor saw the truth of this contention and, in despera- 
tion, asked me if I could not solve the problem. 

It so happened that at the time there was one other cable to 
Cuba, a subsidized French-owned cable, part of a system which 
bound North and South America to France. This particular 
section ran from New York to Santiago, via Hayti. Everybody 

94 



recognized that it was a part of the French system and it seemed 
to be as impossible to use it as the EngHsh cable, which I have 
mentioned. 

I was well acquainted with the history of this French-owned 
cable and had in my desk, at the time, a printed copy of the legal 
proceedings in a United States Government suit against the 
French Company. The policy of the United States Government, 
respecting the landing of foreign cables, required that reciprocal 
rights should be granted to American Companies and, inasmuch 
as the French Company held exclusive rights in the West Indies, 
President Cleveland had instructed the Attorney-General to 
bring suit to enjoin the landing of that cable on the shores of the 
United States. The Hon. Elihu Root represented the United 
States in this suit and was amazed when representatives of the 
Postal Telegraph Company presented an affidavit to the Court 
showing that ownership of the French cable, between New York 
and Santiago, had been transferred to an American Company. 
Now, this Company was a dummy, purely invented to get around 
the United States injunction. It was called the United States 
and Hayti Cable Company, and incorporated under the laws of 
West Virginia. All that this Company actually did was to lay 
about ten miles of cable from Coney Island through the inshore 
waters of the United States to the high seas and, yet, it 
solemnly submitted an affidavit which said: 

That it was really the owner of the cable now being laid from 
New York City to Hayti; that it was the Companj^'s intention to 
control and operate such cable and all the parts thereof; that it had 
no connection whatsoever with the French Cable Company; and 
that it was its intention to continue to own, operate and control 
the proposed cable. 

As a result of this affidavit, the Court was forced to decide 
the suit in favor of the Company. Little did the "United States 
and Hayti Cable Company" ever dream that their affidavit was 
to be of distinct service to the United States Government ! 

I explained to the officer, with whom I was conferring, the 
full history of this French Company and, in response to his re- 
quest for a solution of the problem which confronted Washing- 
ton, I advised him that the United States Government should 

95 



immediately seize the New York-Hayti-Santiago cable, and this 
the Government did without delay. As soon as the fact of the 
seizure was learned, the French Ambassador called at the State 
Department to protest against the seizure of "the French cable," 
but when the Ambassador was shown a copy of the affidavit 
of his "French Company" he had nothing more to say. 

With the seizure of this cable, communication with our army 
in Cuba was possible, provided the United States Government 
could obtain possession of the cable at the Cuban end. The 
Cuban end landed in Santiago, and Santiago was under the con- 
trol of the Spanish Government. It was necessary, therefore, 
to pick up that end, and this was done a few miles east of Santiago. 
On the very day our Army landed, the cable was brought ashore 
and direct communication between Shafter's headquarters and 
the War Department in Washington was established. The 
steamer " Adria" was converted into a cable ship, the cable ma- 
chinery and all the necessary equipment, including buoys, tackle 
and testing apparatus, was supplied by the Mexican Telegraph 
Company, and the whole expedition was planned in its New 
York office. The picking up of the cable and the relaying was no 
easy job. Much of the work was done under fire, with soldiers 
for cable hands. Lieut. Maturin L. Hellings, previously the 
Company's engineer for many years, personally took charge of 
the work. He received the rank of Lieutenant in the Signal 
Corps, in order that he might have authority over the soldiers 
and might not be interfered with. I am sure that it will be of 
interest if I quote some extracts from a letter received from Mr. 
Hellings. He says: 

As the "Adria" is now nearing Tortugas, for fumigation, and 
the expedition, apparently, about over, 1 will give you a synopsis of 
adventures since leaving Key West, May 29th. 

Owing to the nature of the work required, i. e., cutting cables 
under fire, I found it impossible to persuade any of my experienced 
cable hands to go with me, hence was supplied with ten soldiers 
from the First Artillery, U. S. A. 

Well, after a good deal of work, I succeeded in cutting two 
cables near the Santiago entrance in about 900 fathoms of water, 
when Captain Rasmussen and his crew struck, claiming he could 
not risk the lives of his men or injury to his ship any longer. After 
losing about a week on this account, we went to Guantanamo Bay 

96 



and arranged to repair the Guantanamo-Haiti and the Guantanamo- 
Santiago sections, which, under many trying difficulties, was ac- 
compHshed in depths varying from 30 to 800 fathoms. 

After this I was instructed to pick up the Guantanamo-Santiago 
section, just outside of its western landing place, Aguadores, which 
was in possession of the enemy and splice on to the cable aboard and 
run it in Saboney, six miles east of Aguadores, which was done. 
And then the order came to lay a new cable from Diquiri to Guan- 
tanamo, which was the worst of all ! But after a great deal of hard 
work and kinking of cable in hold, about every ten minutes, I suc- 
ceeded in laying about 45 miles of cable in 108 hours. Did you 
ever hear of anything to beat that? 

The cable connection with Cuba was of inestimable value to 
our Government. At one critical time, General Shafter tele- 
graphed President McKinley that he proposed to fall back six 
miles in order to reach his suppUes. On receipt of this telegram, 
the President, himself a veteran of the Civil War, realizing how 
such a retreat in the face of the enemy would demoralize the 
Army, ordered General Shafter to hold every inch of ground and 
not to fall back until he had orders to do so. Shortly after this 
the Spanish Army surrendered. 

It will also be recalled that Col. Roosevelt and others cabled 
to Washington protesting because of the detention of the army 
in Cuba when, owing to sickness, it was rapidly disintegrating. 
The cable here again played an important part for, within a few 
hours, it was arranged to withdraw the Army from Cuba. Thus 
it was saved from serious loss through yellow fever. 



The cable played a most important part later at Manila. 
There was a cable from Hong Kong to Manila and a short ex- 
tension from Manila to Cavite, on the Island of Luzon. Profit- 
ing by our experience in Cuba, Commodore Dewey had strict 
orders from Washington to see that the Spaniards were pre- 
vented from using the Hong Kong-Manila cable, about 950 miles 
in length. When Dewey reached Manila, he promptly fished 
for the cable and the "fishing expedition" was apparently suc- 
cessful, for Dewey telegraphed to Washington that he had seized 
the cable and had it lashed to the stern of his ship. 

97 



Shortly afterwards, I received a confidential wire from my 
manager in Galveston to the effect that a cable message, addressed 
to Valparaiso, Chile, had passed through the Galveston office, 
containing instructions for the fitting out of a privateer to attack 
American vessels. The message came from Manila and proved 
conclusively that there was still cable communication with that 
place. 

As soon as I received the manager's telegram I communicated 
with Washington and was asked to come down at once and explain 
all that I knew of the matter and the cable situation generally. 
I took the earliest train possible and hastened to the Navy De- 
partment. There they were most anxious to know whether I 
could explain the mystery — how a cablegram had come through 
from Manila when Washington had already received word from 
Dewey that he had seized the cable and lashed the same to his 
ship? I told them that the explanation was simple and that 
Commodore Dewey had picked up, by mistake, the little branch 
cable to Cavite, instead of the Manila-Hong Kong cable. 

The Washington officials were astounded and likewise in a 
quandary. The lack of knowledge of the entire situation, which 
existed in Washington, was lamentable. The first question to 
be decided was, of course, how to get word to Dewey, telling him 
of his mistake. It would take a week or more to reach him, and 
within that time the Spaniards could do a great deal of mischief 
with the cable. When my advice was asked, I suggested that the 
simplest and surest way was to officially protest to Great Britain 
against this violation of neutrality on the part of Spain and this 
Washington did at once. Within forty-eight horn's the seals of 
Her Britannic Majesty's Government were placed on the Hong 
Kong end of the cable and the danger of Spanish communication 
with the world was stopped. 

This action was all very well — so far as Spain was concerned — 
but it did not settle the question as to how Commodore Dewey 
was going to get in telegraphic communication with Washington. 
Commodore Dewey at first used a despatch boat between Manila 
and Hong Kong, but it took the good part of a week to send 
messages. It was of vital importance that telegraphic communi- 
cation with our naval forces in the Philippines should be estab- 

98 



lished, but how this could be accomplished the Government 
authorities at Washington could not see. 

At a conference with President McKinley, I suggested a 
solution of the difficulty, viz., to have the Government anchor 
a junk or hulk on the high seas off Hong Kong and use that as a 
terminal station for a cable to be laid from Manila. From this 
station a despatch boat could take the messages to the office in 
Hong Kong and, thus, no neutrality would be violated and mes- 
sages to Washington could be transmitted inside of a few hours 
instead of a week. 

My suggestion was referred to the War Department. That 
Department thought the proposition a good one, and it was finally 
taken up by the President and the Cabinet. While the latter 
were considering the matter favorably, the question came up as 
to how the Government was to purchase the cable itself. "How 
much would such a cable cost?" I was asked. "One million 
dollars," I said. 

Then they informed me that there were no funds out of which 
this could be used and that, in consequence, it would require a 
special act of Congress to get the money. One of the Senators 
present promised to get the required special appropriation from 
Congress within forty-eight hours, but I pointed out that any 
such method of getting the money would be impracticable, for 
the reason that the cable would have to be made in England 
and the old question of neutrality would come up. I explained 
that England could not allow any cable to be made in her territory 
for such a purpose and that if the scheme became a matter of 
public record, in the Congressional proceedings, Spain would 
surely hear of it and protest. I showed them that the only prac- 
ticable way to accomplish their purpose was to order the cable 
for a private company in South America and then have that 
Company transfer it to the Government. In this way, I pointed 
out, it would not be a very difficult matter to make sure that the 
cable would eventually find its way to Manila. The only ob- 
stacle, I said, was the matter of paying for the cable, and suggested 
that this would have to be done through some channels and from 
some fund not connected with the Government. To find such a 
means was the dilemma. 

99 



In this emergency I turned to the telephone and called up 
J, Pierpont Morgan and put the whole proposition up to him. 
Mr. Morgan asked how much it would cost, and I told him one 
million dollars. Without a moment's hesitation, his answer 
came back: "Tell Mr. Long, the Secretary of the Navy, he can 
draw on me for the whole amount provided you will take full 
charge of the project." 

As a matter of fact, the Government never had to avail itself 
of Mr. Morgan's offer. The situation at Manila changed. In 
July came the battle of Santiago, which ended the war, and the 
cable was never laid. 

I consider that these two experiences of our Government, 
when at war with Spain, are very live examples of the value of 
all- American cables. 



In relation to the Manila cable, I feel that the following let- 
ters from the Navy and War Departments should be inserted, 
as a matter of record: 

Navy Department, 
Washington, June 3, 1898. 

Sir: 

In the temporary absence of the Secretary from the Department, 
I have sent your telegram directly to the President, so that it could 
be considered immediately. 

In this connection, permit me to confirm our telephone conver- 
sation of some days ago, extending to you the thanks of the Depart- 
ment for the valuable suggestions from you from time to time 
with respect to the Manila cable, and also, through you, its apprecia- 
tion of the very generous offer of Mr. Morgan in the same connec- 
tion. 



I have the honor to be. 



Very respectfully, 

Charles H. Ai.len, 
Assistant Secretary. 



Mr. James A. Scrymser, 

Pres. Central and South American Telegraph Co., 
New York City. 



100 



War Department, 

Signal Ofpice, 
Washington, June 23, 1898. 
My Dear Mr. Scrymser: 

I am sorry to say that nothing has been done either regarding 
the Manila cable or the cable ship piu-chase. I have quite worn 
myself out in this line, but so far without avail. 

I am sure that the people of the United States owe you thanks 
for the energy and professional ability which you have so freely 
contributed to the solution of this question. 

I am very much crowded, but hope to have an easier time of it, 
during the coming week. 

Yoiu-s truly, 

A. W. Greeley, 
Chiej Signal Officer. 
Mr. James A. Scrymser, President, 
New York City. 



lOI 



Wireless Telegraphy 



ATTENTION has already been called to the urgent and vital 
necessity of governmental control over cable communica- 
tion in times of war and, of course, this applies with equal force 
to governmental jurisdiction over the wireless systems on our 
shores. 

Some years ago the Telegraph Age published an interview 
with me on this subject. In the interview, I pointed out that our 
American Government officials had, seemingly, failed to realize 
that, in the event of a foreign war, the enemy's fleet could, when 
still a thousand miles off shore, locate every one of our war ves- 
sels, and, furthermore, ascertain the defensive position of every 
seaport, through the use of wireless telegraphy. 

I explained the importance which the Hon. William H. 
Seward, Secretary of State, under President Lincoln, attached to 
what is known as the "Marine League," the three-mile limit off 
shore which in effect prohibits foreigners from erecting a battery 
within three miles of the upland. Secretary Seward maintained 
that a cable, being silent and secret in its operation, was many 
times more dangerous than the battery of an enemy. 

I also called attention to the fact that the Hon. Hamilton 
Fish, Secretary of State under President Grant, in 1869, threat- 
ened to send a naval vessel to Duxbury, Mass., with order to 
tear up the French cable, if landed without his permission, and 
that not until the exclusive features of the French Company's 
Concessions were eliminated and full reciprocal rights were granted 
to American Companies to land cables on the coast of France, was 
this permission given. 

Further, I emphasized the very important fact that if an 
American should attempt to build a wireless system in England, 
France or Germany, he would immediately be seized as a spy 
and treated as a spy, while in this country, German wireless sys- 

102 



terns have been built and operated without licenses, in some cases, 
according to the statements of the press. 

My interview was called to the attention of the Department 
of Commerce and Labor, and that Department immediately 
asked me for further particulars in regard to governmental juris- 
diction over wireless systems and, particularly, in regard to the 
reciprocal policy insisted upon by Secretary of State Fish. Upon 
receipt of the information asked for, the Department of Com- 
merce and Labor referred the entire matter to the Attorney- 
General, Hon. George W. Wickersham, for his opinion. 

On November 22, 19 12, Mr. Wickersham rendered an elab- 
orate opinion. He quoted very fully from the Acts of Congress, 
having for their object the regulation and control of wireless 
telegraphy by means of fines, these fines being levied upon all 
plants installed without a proper license from the Government, 
the penalty for each offense being a fine of $500. 

In reply to the points raised by me, Mr. Wickersham ruled 
that inasmuch as the Congress of the United States had failed to 
pass a law requiring reciprocal conditions for the landing of cables 
there was no authority for the United States Government to de- 
mand reciprocal wireless rights. 

It is apparent that Mr. Wickersham's opinion on this recipro- 
cal policy differs very widely from the opinion held by two of 
oiu- greatest Secretaries of State, Mr. Seward and Mr. Fish, 
both of whom held that the three-mile limit off shore was suffi- 
cient justification for any action which vitally involved the pro- 
tection and defense of our country. 

The principle of national protection involved in what is known 
as the "Marine League" is, to my mind, both wise and logical, 
and I hold that this principle is violated wherever and whenever 
a foreign wireless telegraph message passes over the three-mile 
Hmit to or from any point in the United States, by means of a 
foreign-owned company operating without a license. The trans- 
mission of such wireless telegraph messages, silent and secret 
as they are, should certainly be under the sole control of the 
United States Government, both in times of peace and in times 
of war. 

103 



Attorney-General Wickersham's quotations from the Acts 
of Congress, attempting to regulate and control wireless teleg- 
raphy, were interesting. His opinion was rendered in 19 12 
during the Taft administration and yet we have learned from the 
press only recently (as I have mentioned) that some wireless 
organizations have not been licensed as the law requires, and we 
have learned, too, that several private wireless installations are 
likewise being operated without licenses. 

Attorney-General Wickersham calls attention to the fact 
that under the laws all licenses are revocable and that, when 
issued, they shall specify the ownership and location of each sta- 
tion and, further, that they shall be issued only to citizens of the 
United States. Despite these regulations, it is a well known fact 
that a number of wireless systems are German-owned, although 
ostensibly transferred to American corporations. Such ques- 
tionable actions should be investigated and, if the information 
proves true, the licenses should be revoked in each case. 

We have but recently seen that a German-owned wireless 
company attempted to enjoin the United States of America from 
interfering with its operations. Such audacious action of a for- 
eign-owned company would have been promptly resented in 
the days of Secretary Seward and Secretary Fish. 

In President Wilson's message to Congress, December 8, 
1914, he says: 

We have not been negligent of national defense. We are not 
unmindful of the great responsibility resting upon us. We shall 
learn and profit by the lesson of every experience and every new 
circumstance, and what is needed will be adequately done. 

As one humble American citizen, I am wondering why the 
Government in Washington has not exercised a proper control 
over wireless telegraphy and why the Government did not at 
once revoke the license of the foreign wireless company when it 
attempted to dispute its authority, as undoubtedly Secretaries 
Seward and Fish would have done. 

In the opinion of Attorney-General Wickersham, it would 
appear that Secretary Fish should have had a specific Act of Con- 
gress to justify his drastic treatment of the French Company in 
1869! Acts of Congress to suit every case are not kept "on 

104 



tap" and I have never known of any one excepting Mr. Wicker- 
sham, to dispute the reciprocal poHcy, inaugurated by President 
Grant and supported by Secretary Fish. Mr. Wickersham has 
evidently overlooked the fact that the Monroe Doctrine has 
never materialized into any formal action by Congress and, yet, 
the Monroe Doctrine seems to hold quite an important place in 
the foreign policy of these United States. 

The invasion in this country by foreign telegraph com- 
panies, under existing conditions, will certainly lead to trouble 
in the future and the present administration would do well to 
seriously ponder on the subject of reciprocity as upheld by General 
Grant. 



105 



Landing of Original French Cable Company 



REFERENCE has been made several times to the reciprocal 
poHcy of the United States Government in regard to the land- 
ing of foreign cables on our shores. In my article on "Wireless 
Telegraphy," I have referred to the landing of the French cable at 
Duxbm-y in 1869. The story of Baron Emil Erlanger, of Paris, 
who promoted this French Atlantic cable, may be of interest. 

The Baron had obtained from the Emperor, Louis Napoleon 
III, an exclusive right for fifty years for landing his cable on the coast 
of France, and journeyed to America to make the necessary 
landing arrangements at this end. The Baron was a Confederate 
Government Agent during our Civil War, and was chiefly re- 
membered in this country as the promoter of the Confederate 
Government Cotton Loan. 

The French cable scheme was bitterly opposed, from the 
start, by Cyrus W. Field, the promoter of the Anglo-American 
Cable Company. Mr. Field's first step was to induce General 
Grant, then President of the United States, to officially notify 
the Emperor of France that the French cable could not be landed 
on American shores unless reciprocal rights were granted to an 
American Company for French territory. In consequence, the 
exclusive feature of Baron Erlanger's French Concession was 
canceled and the Baron probably concluded that he would have 
no further trouble in landing his cable at the place planned, Dux- 
bury, on Cape Cod. Mr. Field, however, found a new obstacle 
to place in the Baron's way, viz., the formal authority of the 
Legislature of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

Somehow the Massachusetts legislators had not forgotten 
the services of Baron Erlanger when acting as Confederate Gov- 
ernment Agent for its Cotton Loan and here was an excellent 
method to punish him, and punish him they did, by refusing to 
grant the necessary permission to land his cable at Duxbury. 
The legislators themselves were ably aided in this fight against 

106 



Baron Erlanger by numerous lawyers and lobbyists, who were 
engaged day and night in the endeavor to block the Baron's 
scheme. 

In the "opposition," also, were the Western Union Telegraph 
Company and the Franklin Telegraph Company, both of which 
coveted the landline tolls on messages to and from Europe over 
the French Cable Company, should it succeed in securing the 
necessary landing rights. 

It was an anxious time for the Baron, and his associates. 
Already nearly $4,000,000 had been expended for the cable. 
The cable ship had cleared from a Etu-opean port, destined for 
Duxbury, Mass. In desperation, Baron Erlanger's agent came 
to me and gave me to understand that, although he had spent 
thousands of dollars in lawyers' fees and otherwise, he could make 
no headway whatsoever with the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
He told me that the cable ship was about due at Duxbury, and 
would have to pay a demurrage of $2,000 per day unless the land- 
ing rights could be secured at once. 

Naturally, I was most anxious that the French Company 
should succeed in securing the landing rights and, so, be in a 
position to compete with the Anglo-American Cable Company, 
which was charging at that time about one dollar a word on all "^ 
European messages. A reduction of this rate would, of course, 
increase the traffic of the International Ocean Telegraph Com- 
pany, with which I was then connected, to and from Cuba and 
the other West India Islands. For this reason I planned to se- 
cure the necessary State landing rights for the French Company. 
I asked the agent what he could afford to pay to secure the per- 
mission within one week. He replied that he would willingly 
pay $10,000. I well knew that he would gladly pay more, but I 
was so anxious that his Company should succeed at once, I prom- 
ised to obtain for him the necessary authority. 

There were two men in the State of New Jersey whom I 
knew I could rely upon. I arranged to meet them in Trenton 
on a Friday morning and agreed to pay them the $10,000 pro- 
vided they could quickly and quietly secure the passage of a 
Bill authorizing the landing of the French cable on the coast 
of New Jersey within one week. At noon, the following Tues- 

107 



day, I received a telegram informing me of the successful passage 
of the necessary Bill and that it had been signed by the Governor. 

My plan was eminently successful and the anticipated 
sensation in the ranks of the lobbyists in the Massachusetts 
Legislature and the Western Union and Franklin Telegraph Com- 
panies was quickly forthcoming. The lobbyists knew that their 
long fight was in vain if the French Company could land on the 
coast of New Jersey and the Telegraph Companies foresaw that 
the French Cable Company might build its own landlines to New 
York City and so save all the landline tolls between Duxbury 
and New York. To me, it was as good as a comic play to behold 
the disappointment of the lawyers and lobbyists when they found 
that they had been outflanked, and the fact that they were 
eventually obliged to aid, rather than oppose, the cable landing 
of the French cable on the coast of Massachusetts did not add 
to their joy. 

The Bill, granting permission to land the cable on New Jer- 
sey soil, was most effective and, finally, the French Cable Com- 
pany received the permission to land at Duxbury, Mass., with- 
out the slightest opposition. 

It is interesting to note, also, that within a month the Atlantic 
cable tariff was reduced from one dollar a word to about twenty- 
five cents and the reduction proved highly beneficial to our Cuba 
and West India traffic. 



1 08 




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Xest Me govQct 



The Parkhurst Campaign 



OVER twenty years have elapsed since the Rev. Dr. Charles 
H. Parkhurst, almost alone, achieved his marvelous victory 
over Tammany Hall, in strenuous opposition to the police and the 
entire officialdom of New York City. 

At this later day it is both interesting and instructive to look 
back at the fight, then waged, and to contemplate the immeasur- 
able influence which Dr. Parkhurst's victory has had upon the 
political affairs of this city. 

Dr. Parkhurst has been so persistently denounced and mis- 
represented by the press and city officials ever since his memorable 
campaign, that we find that the present generation has inherited 
the cynicism, opposition and vindictiveness toward him, which 
prevailed from the beginning of his fight against Tammany Hall, 
in 1892. Since that fight, over twenty years ago, the people have 
won some notable victories — the elections of Mayor Strong and 
Mayor Low, the Fusion victory in 1909, and, also, in 19 13. These 
victories are, I think, traceable in a very large measure to Dr. 
Parkhurst. Certainly the previous twenty years, before the Park- 
hurst campaign, had nothing to show but a continuous Tammany 
control. 

Dr. Parkhurst was the means of awakening New York City 
to a very realizing sense of its own unworthiness and the City to- 
day can "take its hat off" to Charles H. Parkhurst for the revival 
of oiu- public conscience and the many steps which have been 
made toward good government. 

If we go back forty years we find that prominent and re- 
spected citizens openly endorsed Tammany, under the leadership 
of Boss Tweed and later Boss Croker. Prominent citizens were 

109 



then too timid to lend their names to any pubHc opposition to 
Tammany Hall. After Dr. Parkhurst's campaign, this timidity 
was a thing of the past, as will be readily seen by a perusal of the 
splendid Memorial signed by so many of our well known citizens, 
here quoted in full : 

New York, November, 1894. 
To Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, D.D. 

New York City. 
Reverend and Dear Sir: 

Your fellow citizens of New York, united in a com- 
mon aim to achieve and to preserve municipal integrity and manly 
uprightness in the discharge of public trusts, are deeply sensible of 
the debt of gratitude due to you for your three years campaign of dis- 
interested and heroic effort to ensure Reform in our City Govern- 
ment. 

The impressive popular response shown by the results of 
the November elections is a direct and noble plaudit, doubtless more 
gratifying to you than any other reward. But we, as a Committee 
of your fellow citizens at large and irrespective of all dividing lines, 
would gladly add some special testimonial to your moral leader- 
ship, in this great crusade for Municipal Reform; and we would 
heartily welcome an indication from yourself as to the most accept- 
able form of such testimonial. 



Henry C. Potter 
David H. Greer 

Charles Lanier 
Robert S. Minturn 
Joseph H. Choate 
Joel B. Erhardt 
Abram S. Hewitt 
Jos. Larocque 
Charles C. Beaman 
C. Vanderbilt 
Chas. Stewart Smith 
LeG. B. Cannon 
Horace White 
A. S. Frissell 
Morris K. Jesup 
James T. Kilbreth 
James A. Garland 
Horace Porter 
R. Fulton Cutting 
J. Augustus Johnson 
Edward D. Adams 



J. Pierpont Morgan 
James C. Carter 
Wheeler H. Peckham 
Wm. L. Strong 
Cornelius N. Bliss 
John S. Kennedy 
Isaac N. Seligman 
James H. Dunham 
J. Gaillard Thomas 
John A. Stewart 
John Sloane 
Anson Phelps Stokes 
Jno. E. Parsons 
Chas. H. Godfrey 
Cleveland H. Dodge 
H. C. Fahnestock 
J. Kennedy Tod 
James Speyer 
Jacob H. Schiff 
Gustav H. Schwab 
Seth Low 



no 



Wm. Nelson Cromwell Edw. King 

Geo. F. Baker Wm. B. Homblower 

William H. Pell Everett P. Wheeler 

Charles S. Fairchild George Bliss 

R. W. Gilder Stephen H. Olin 

Saml. C. Blackwell John Claflin 

George A. Morrison E. L. Godkin 

William A. Wheelock John A. Sleicher 

John W. Goff James A. Scrymser 

The foregoing testimonial would not be complete without the 
publication, also, of the letter received from President Cleveland, 
as follows: 

Executive Mansion 
Washington 

Dec. 2, 1894. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq., 
My Dear Sir: 

At the request of Bishop Potter I enclose to you a copy of 
a paper addressed to Doctor Parkhurst, which he sent me for my sig- 
nature. 

The man whom you propose to honor is a grand citizen and 
deserves all his fellow townsmen can do for him and yet I do not 
think I ought to sign the paper I return to you. 

I am not a citizen of New York and I am peculiarly situated 
here. 

Hoping that you will believe that my declination to join 
you in this movement is solely based upon considerations entirely 
justifiable, I am. 

Yours very sincerely, 

Grover Cleveland. 

From all of these supporters it will be seen that Dr. Parkhurst's 
splendid work was appreciated, and it is clear that the result of his 
work still lives and that no amount of sneering at Dr. Parkhurst 
and his methods will, or can, destroy its value. 

I wish that all who are interested in the welfare of New York 
City could read Dr. Parkhurst's own relation of his campaign, 
entitled "Our Fight with Tammany," published by Charles 
Scribner's Sons in 1895. I have neither the time nor the space to 
quote from the book, but, as a warning to my fellow citizens, I 
want to call attention to the fact that Dr. Parkhiurst tells us that 
the whole campaign slumped just as soon as the election was over, 

III 



hence my heading of this article: "LEST WE FORGET." Wc 
are so apt to forget that "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." 

We all recall the fight that was made for a single-headed police 
commission as against the old method — two " Republicans" (?) 
and two "Democrats" (?) a so-called "Bi-partisan" board. It has 
taken nearly twenty years to secure a single-headed pohce control 
and this, again, is largely due to Dr. Parkhurst. Furthermore, it 
can be reasonably claimed that the affairs of New York City are 
to-day infinitely better conducted than they were previously, 
under Tammany Hall. 

I will here explain the active part Mr. J. Langdon Erving took 
in the Parkhurst campaign. Mr. Erving was associated with me 
in business for over twenty years. He consulted with me very 
fully before offering his services to Dr. Parkhurst. Of course, 
we both foresaw something of the tremendous sacrifice and the ab- 
horrent notoriety which would result, but, on the other hand, we 
realized the vital necessity for a man of the type of Mr. Erving, if 
Dr. Parkhurst were to accomplish the upheaval at which he aimed. 
The testimony of a man of unimpeachable integrity and character 
was invaluable, a life-long New Yorker, a New Yorker for genera- 
tions back, a man of refinement and a gentleman — such a man was 
Mr. Erving, and his testimony was bound to succeed in the end, 
where the testimony of some paid detective would have had 
little, if any, effect upon the Court and Jury. 

Let me quote what Dr. Parkhurst has to say about Mr. 
Erving : 

On page 54 of Dr. Parkhurst's book, is the following tribute: 

I was called upon one evening, early in March, '92, by a 
young man who had recently become a member of my congregation, 
and whom I had noticed in the church, but whom I had never per- 
sonally met. Whether he had divined what was in my mind, I do 
not know to this day, but he said that he had come to tell me that if 
there was anything he could do to assist me in the enterprise recently 
undertaken, he was unreservedly at my service. My good friend 
John Langdon Erving little realized all that was involved in his noble 
offer, or all that it was going to cause him in the way of criticism and 
obloquy before his heroic service was completed; but suffice it to say 
that his offer of assistance was accepted and a general plan of opera- 
tions outlined that same evening. I cannot let this opportunity pass 

112 



of rendering to my friend Erving the tribute of my gratitude. If in 
connection with this whole warfare there have been words of in- 
vective and insinuations too dastardly and devilish to be forgiven, 
either in this world or the world to come, they were words that were 
spoken upon Erving. His was the manly stuff, however, that took 
no detriment from calumny, and I can speak no larger word of him 
than to say that without him, or a man as strong and noble-spirited 
as he, the efforts initiated in the spring of '92, must have issued in 
failure. 

I am sure that I shall not be misunderstood, nor criticized, if 
I make a personal reference to the humble part which I had the 
privilege of playing in that memorable campaign. 

My part had its beginning on a Monday morning in June, 
1892. Mr. Erving had returned to my house from the Court on 
the Saturday previous, in a very discouraged state of mind. On 
Sunday he complained of illness, so I saw but little of him. On 
Monday morning my butler reported that Mr. Erving was seriously 
ill in his bedroom and apparently wandering in his mind, exclaiming 
from time to time that "the people will not believe us." Upon 
learning of this, I went to Mr. Erving' s room and found that his 
condition was as my butler had represented. 

At about nine o'clock Dr. Parkhurst called at my home. 
Neither Mrs. Scrymser nor I had ever met him. Dr. Parkhurst 
was shown into the library where Mrs. Scrymser and I were seated 
and I shall never forget his anxious and troubled look. He said 
that he had come to inquire for his friend, Mr. Erving, and Mrs. 
Scrymser told him that Mr. Erving was seriously ill upstairs. 
Mrs. Scrymser added that she thought his illness was due wholly 
to the attitude of the press, which had made it appear as if Dr. 
Parkhurst and Mr. Erving were on trial rather than the criminals 
whom their affidavits had implicated. 

Upon hearing of Mr. Erving's illness. Dr. Parkhurst sank into 
a chair, much overcome. After a pause, Mrs. Scrymser said, 
"Doctor, two-thirds of the people of New York really do think 
that you and Mr. Erving are on trial. What can we do to help 
you?" "Anything that you can do will be most heartily appreci- 
ated; I feel as if the earth was slipping from under my feet," re- 
plied Dr. Parkhurst. 

After a few more words of conversation, Mrs. Scrymser and I 

113 



started our campaign. Within an hour, Mrs. Scrymser had en- 
gaged Cooper Institute for a public meeting the following Monday 
night, and had also enlisted the interest of the "Woman's Munici- 
pal League." The co-operation and active work of this League, 
comprising some six hundred influential women, was most effective. 
I went immediately to the office of The Mail and Express, 
where I saw its proprietor, Elliott F. Shepard. I had arrived just 
in time: Mr. Shepard was leaving at noon for the far west. He 
was most responsive to my appeal and straightway called in his 
editor, John A. Sleicher, and instructed him to publish anything 
that I desired. I at once assisted in dictating an editorial for that 
afternoon's edition, using Mrs. Scrymser's remark as a text. The 
editorial was used and as I think it will be of interest, it is published 
here in full: 

From The Mail and Express, May ii, 1892: 

TO THE GOOD PEOPLE OF NEW YORK 

Two-thirds of the people of this city seem to labor under 
the false impression that Dr. Parkhtarst and Mr. Langdon Erving 
are on trial in our courts, instead of the keepers of disorderly houses, 
whom they have so courageously exposed. 

The facts are these: Dr. Parkhurst preached a sermon in 
which he charged that District Attorney Nicoll was derelict in the 
prosecution of evildoers. The charges were strong, the arraignment 
very severe, and under this pressure Mr. Nicoll went to the Grand 
Jury. That compliant body, under Mr. Nicoll's influence, under- 
took to reprimand Dr. Parkhurst for not producing evidence to 
sustain his sweeping charges. Mr. Nicoll and the blackmailers and 
the Grand Jury no doubt supposed this would end the matter. But 
it didn't. 

Dr. Parkhurst is a man of convictions. He determined to 
secure the necessary evidence. He asked for volunteers, and Mr. 
Langdon Erving, equally courageous, honorable and sincere in pur- 
pose, offered his help. They sacrificed their personal comfort and 
fearlessly entered the abodes of vice and saw the sickening sights of 
sin. Their evidence was laid before the Grand Jury. It was not in- 
tended for the public eye, but for the secret session of that body. They 
had no thought of anything else but to meet the challenge of Dis- 
trict Attorney Nicoll. 

District Attorney Nicoll, instead of keeping the affidavits of 
Dr. Parkhurst and Mr. Erving secret as part of the Grand Jury room 
proceedings, deliberately used them in the prosecution of the keepers 

114 



of disreputable houses, thus dragging Dr. Parkhurst and his associate 
into Court and into public notoriety for the purpose of forever making 
their task so repellant and odious that no other decent and honorable 
men would ever again perform such a mission in the cause of justice. 
This publicity was not intended nor sought for by Dr. Parkhurst and 
Mr. Erving. It was the result of the District Attorney's action, 
and the inspiration of that action is far from creditable. 

The courage of Dr. Parkhurst and Mr. Erving resulted in 
the exposure of Police Department methods, and in a general "shaking 
up" of officers under the pressure of public opinion. Both the cour- 
ageous exposers of vice have been threatened with personal violence, 
but, in the face of threats and intimidation, both have insisted on 
fighting the battle out on the line of their convictions. 

Enough has been shown to verify the charge of this paper 
that the police have been used for blackmailing purposes. The 
prosecution of one or two poor women for keeping dens of vice and 
their conviction is not the only result of Dr. Parkhurst's efforts. 
They have demonstrated that the police protect the dives and do it 
for pay. The Police Department is responsible for the vice and sin 
which abound in this city. They are the ones who are chiefly con- 
cerned in the injury of Dr. Parkhurst and Mr. Erving. The time has 
come for the good people of this city to hold up the hands of these two 
splendid Christian men. The time has come for a public meeting 
which will declare in a voice of thunder against the blackmailing 
methods of a political police organization and in favor of cleaning 
out the dives and the infamous resorts which threaten the morals of 
young and old. 

Who will lead this great movement? It means the pro- 
tection of our youth from defilement. It means the protection of 
the homes, particularly the homes of the poor, from the visits of the 
vile tempters. Dr. Parkhurst should not stand alone. He, with 
Mr. Erving's splendid assistance, has begun the noble work. Let 
the good people of New York take it up and finish it. It is not a work 
only for the rich and influential. The poor, the workingmen, the 
toilers all have deep interest in it. We appeal to oiu- citizens to take 
up this matter vigorously, earnestly and at once. If our homes can- 
not be protected from pollution, if vice and sin, protected by a black- 
mailing police, are to control and prevail, the welfare of the people 
is truly in jeopardy. 

This editorial was the first gun in the Parkhurst campaign. 

From the office of The Mail and Express I went to the office 
of The Evening Post, and there had a talk with its editor, 
Horace White. 

I explained to him the situation as clearly as I could. In 

115 



reply, Mr. White said that Mr. Godkin had recently sailed for 
Europe and that before he sailed it was decided that the Parkhurst 
movement was "too dirty" for The Post to publish and that in 
consequence it was thought best to drop it altogether. I told Mr. 
White that he was grossly mistaken and predicted that before the 
end of the week The Post would have to take back all that it 
had said against Dr. Parkhurst and that it would then come out 
squarely in his support. Mr. White replied that that was im- 
possible. 

The following Friday my prediction came true, The Post 
apologized for the mistake it had made and called upon all good 
citizens to support Dr. Parkhurst. 

Mr. White has told me in recent years that he has thought of 
our interview thousands of times. 

After interviewing The Post, I called on Mr. Rowland, the 
Manager of The New York Herald. Mr. Rowland explained, 
when I had concluded, that it was necessary to cable Mr. Bennett 
for his decision in the matter. I asked him when he did so to 
mention my name, because of the fact that my relations with Mr. 
Bennett, in a business way, had been quite intimate. Before the 
end of the week The Herald came into line and strongly sup- 
ported Dr. Parkhurst throughout his campaign. 

By the time Monday night arrived, the good element of the 
city was well aroused and, with the exception of the early Civil 
War meetings, I have never known a more enthusiastic gathering 
than was held that night in old Cooper Institute. That meeting 
will long be remembered, and I am proud to have been connected 
with its inception, as evidenced by the following note : 

City Vigilance League. 

New York, May 19, 1892. 
Mr. James A. Scrymser. 

Dear Sir: 

Your check for $ is hereby acknowledged and 

on behalf of the Committee I thank you most heartily. It was at 
your suggestion that this meeting was called and it bids fair to prove 
an overwhelming success. The "call" has been answered by over a 
thousand of our most prominent citizens Your check is the only 
financial assistance we have received for this purpose and I am in- 
structed to express our gratitude accordingly. 

Very truly yours, 

J. N. Hallock, 
116 Chairman. 



As an indication of the suspicion and gross misunderstanding 
of the early work of Dr. Parkhurst, and his fight against the poHce, 
I might mention that during the first week I prepared a Resolution, 
endorsing Dr. Parkhurst's work, and submitted the same to the 
presiding officer of the City Club— then, as now, a powerful or- 
ganization — in the hopes that it might be adopted by that Club. 
This presiding officer was a prominent lawyer and thoroughly in 
sympathy with everything which had for its object the pubhc 
good in the City of New York. You may imagine my surprise 
at his action when the Resolution was handed to him. With an 
expression of thorough disgust, he read it and then held the Reso- 
lution between the tips of his fingers, at a distance, saying, "Take 
it away, take it away, its subject is too nasty." 

I should not have told this story if there had not been another 
side to it. Shortly after this time, my good friend, the presiding 
officer of the City Club, became an ardent supporter of Dr. Park- 
hurst, and his name is among the distinguished names who signed 
the Memorial, printed on page no. 

There are any number of instances connected directly and in- 
directly with the Parkhurst campaign which I might relate. The 
lack of space, however, forbids. When the public discovered that 
it was a success there were many accessions to the ranks and many 
were anxious to "climb on the band wagon." One notable in- 
stance of this is evidenced by the following letter from Dr. Park- 
hurst and my reply thereto: 

No. 133 East 35th Street, 

New York, Sept. 25, 1894. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq., 

39 Wall Street, City. 
My Dear Sir: 

This will introduce to you the bearer, my assistant. 
Rev. Chauncey W. Goodrich. 

I will merely outline the matter upon which I am going to 
Eisk him to speak with you : I am exceedingly anxious that if possible, 
arrangements should be made whereby Archbishop Ireland of St. Paul 
can be induced to speak in this City prior to election, upon matters 
of municipal government. I had an interview with him last May, 
with this object in view; he received me not only courteously, but 
most kindly, and expressed himself as being in absolute sympathy 
with all that was being undertaken in behalf of better municipal 

117 



government. He referred to the delicacy with which any action of 
his would have to be taken, in view of the fact that if he spoke here he 
would be within the limits of another man's diocese. He nevertheless 
engaged to hold it as an open question and expected to hear from me 
again, either at the end of September, or in the beginning of October. 
It was his impression at that time, that if a properly worded invi- 
tation, with suitable indorsement, were sent to him, he could somehow 
find it in his way to accept such invitation. I have learned from 
him, however, within a few days, that the matter will have to be 
approached with somewhat more of indirection. The letter which 
conveys to me that information will be put in your hands by Mr. 
Goodrich; I submit the case in its present posture. 

We cannot afford to leave any stone unturned: the Arch- 
bishop's influence is almost incalculably great; all of us, I think, who 
know him, or have any intelligent knowledge in regard to him, have 
confidence in his character, in the integrity of his purpose and in the 
honesty of his devotion to American institutions. 

May I ask you to consider the case as it stands at present, 
and to express yourself with as much freedom as you will, to the 
bearer? 

Yours very sincerely, 

C. H. Parkhurst. 



37 Wall Street, 
New York, Sept. 27, 1894. 
Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, 

New York. 
My Dear Sir: 

Referring to your letter of September 25 th, and my 
conversation with the Rev. Chauncey W. Goodrich, respecting the 
advisability of inviting Archbishop Ireland of St. Paul to speak in 
this city, prior to election, upon matters of municipal government, I 
have to say that I do not approve of it. 

I understand from Mr. Goodrich that Father Ducey is 
cautiously urging the issue of this invitation to Archbishop Ireland. 
As I view the situation in the City of New York, I believe that a 
large majority of the Democratic voters are Roman Catholics; cer- 
tainly a very large majority of the saloon-keepers, office holders and 
criminals are Roman Catholics, and yet I cannot recall any time when 
the Roman Catholic Church, or any of its local Bishops have taken 
a decided stand for political reform, or even endorsed the work of re- 
formers. I doubt very much if any prominent member of that 
Church approved of your efforts until recently. 

It is characteristic of the inside managers of the Roman 
Catholic Church to put forward a prominent man when it sees a change 
coming. But why bring a man from Minnesota to say what New 

118 



York needs? In my judgment you will do just as good work without 
the assistance of that Church and its Priests, and if successful, which 
I believe you will be, you will not have to share the glory with those 
who should have aided you in the beginning. 

I do not share in your high opinion of Archbishop Ireland's 
devotion to American institutions. The present bad condition of 
the Public Schools throughout the State of New York, particularly 
in Brooklyn, New York City and Buffalo, is largely owing to the 
policy set forth in MuUer's Book and endorsed by Archbishop Ireland 
voluntarily. 

I have thought it best to express my views in this form and so 
avoid any misunderstanding arising through my conversation with 
the Rev. Mr. Goodrich. 

Yours very sincerely, 

James A. Scrymser. 

I might explain that Archbishop Ireland came to New York 
and made a determined effort to take an active part in the Park- 
hnrst election campaign. It was decided that he should not appear 
on the platform at the public meeting which was to be held in 
Carnegie Hall. At that meeting, President Harrison presided. 
Somehow, I never knew how, Archbishop Ireland managed to get 
a seat on the platform, uninvited, but the Chairman was warned 
that the program was full and, in consequence, Archbishop Ireland 
was not to be allowed to speak. The upper gallery was packed 
with a crowd of his admirers and there were loud cries for a speech 
from him. The Chairman, however, firmly held his ground and 
the Archbishop was not permitted to take part in the meeting. 

This Carnegie Hall meeting immediately preceded the election 
at which William L. Strong was chosen Mayor of New York. 
After the election, I am told upon good authority. Archbishop 
Ireland called upon the Treasurer of the Committee of Seventy 
and intimated as he had come from the Far West, he considered 
that he was entitled to some compensation for the part he had 
taken in the campaign. He was told, my informant adds, that the 
Committee of Seventy had no knowledge of his having been re- 
tained, nor were they aware of his having contributed toward the 
success of the campaign in any way. 

Some years after, there was a lively controversy between 
Archbishop Corrigan and Father Ducey, of New York. In many 

119 



respects this controversy was a sequel to Archbishop Ireland's in- 
trusion, to which I have referred. The crux of the Corrigan- 
Ducey controversy, in my opinion, is in a paragraph in the letter 
which Father Ducey wrote to "His Excellency, the Most Rev. M. 
A. Corrigan, D.D., Archbishop of New York," under date of No- 
vember 17, 1894 (I quote from the New York Herald, November 
23, 1894) reading: 

Had the Church, through church men, openly acted with 
courage in opposing corruptions and corrupters of this great city, the 
Catholic Church would have glory throughout the world. Now, Dr. 
Parkhurst has won! 

The foregoing leads me to digress a little. I learned much of 
"politics" in those days and a story which came to me upon ex- 
cellent authority, even though a digression, might here be cited. 
It appertains to a certain well known Archbishop from the West, 
who was successful in raising over $60,000 with the assistance of a 
number of "good Repubhcans" in this State. I am told that the 
money was raised for the purpose of taking up the Archbishop's 
notes, which had been given for the purchase of certain real estate- 
a speculation which had involved the cleric to the extent of the 
money named. The story was that the "good Republicans" took 
over the real estate, organized a company and used the proceeds 
from the sale of stock to take up the notes mentioned. I have 
reason to believe that the subscribers to that stock have never 
received any dividends and I doubt very much whether the stock 
has any marketable value. 

^ To return to the Parkhurst campaign, $60,000, mentioned in 
my digression, seems a large amount when compared with the sum 
we were able to raise for a Memorial to Dr. Parkhurst. After the 
greatest amount of effort and backed by the best citizenship of 
New York, we succeeded in raising only $28,959.57. The corre- 
spondence with Dr. Parkhurst in relation thereto will, I am sure, 
be found of much interest. 

First, let me quote in full Dr. Parkhurst' s reply to the Memo- 
rial which we sent to him (printed on page no). 



120 



No. 133 East 35TH Street, 
New York, December 11, 1894. 

The Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, 
J. PiERPONT Morgan, Esq., 
Hon. John W. Gofp, 

and Associates. 
Gentlemen : 

You will appreciate the delicacy of the situation in 
which I am placed by your kind and affecting communication just re- 
ceived. The victory of November 6th and the love and confidence 
of my fellow-citizens are more than ample reward for all the services 
I have been able to render: Nor ought it to be forgotten that while 
I had a part, and a disagreeably conspicuous part, in initiating the 
movement in our City, it is not by my efforts, but by the efforts of 
great numbers working in concerted consecration of purpose, that 
that movement has been brought to its splendid consummation. It 
hardly need be said to you, therefore, that if it lies in your hearts to 
show, by any added means, the cordiality of your regard, such demon- 
stration would require to take a shape that would not even be sug- 
gested of personal enrichment to myself. 

If I am to answer your question as frankly as it is frankly 
asked, I should have to say that no action on your part would seem 
to me apposite which did not look in the direction of helping to es- 
tablish and perpetuate the municipal results already secured. The 
success of November 6th needs to be made permanent. My own 
efforts in that direction will be put forth primarily through the 
agency of the City Vigilance League, an organization which has been 
in existence now for two years, which has established a specific basis 
of operation in each of the thirty Assembly Districts of the Citj'-, and 
considers so much municipal success as it has already helped to 
achieve rather the beginning than the end of its hopes. The League 
is mortgaged to no sect and to no school of politics : its members are 
not seeking office, and we are bound by the terms of our constitution 
to put forward no candidates for office. Our aim is to acquaint our- 
selves with our city, to study i'.s needs, to publish existing abuses 
whatever may be the party or whoever may be the man that may be 
responsible for them, and to stimulate, especially among the young 
men, both of our native and foreign population, that understanding of 
municipal interests that shall help to make the municipal ballot in- 
telligent, and that appreciation of civic duties that shall help to render 
the municipal ballot clean and honest. In a word, the League 
represents the continuance of that straight line of rectitude and in- 
dividual self-regardlessness needed in order to win the victory of 
November, and just as much needed in order to render the fruits of 
that victory an abiding possession. 



121 



This League needs a local habitation, sufficiently central 
to be easy of access from all quarters of the town; sufficiently com- 
modious to meet the growing requirements of its multiplying mem- 
bership and enlarging interests. 

The above is, of course, submitted to you only as a sug- 
gestion, to be accepted or rejected according to the promptings of 
your larger and yoiu- combined wisdom. 

Yours very sincerely, 

C. H. Parkhurst. 

When the money which I have mentioned was raised, Dr. 
Parkhurst was formally notified in the following letter : 

New York, May 3, 1895. 
The Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, D.D. 

New York. 
Reverend and Dear Sir : 

As members of the Advisory Committee of the Dr. 
Parkhurst Testimonial, we now have to inform you, in accordance 
with the enclosed account of J. Langdon Erving, Treasiu-er, that 
there is a balance of $28,959.59 in his hands this day and we desire 
to close the account. 

This sum represents the proceeds of contributions received 
by this committee in response to our appeal to the public of December 
10, 1894, soliciting a popular tribute in recognition of your three 
years' previous effort for municipal reform, already approved and 
seconded by the phenomenal success attained in the city elections of 
November 6th. 

We cordially appreciate yoiu- assent to such a tribute con- 
ditioned upon its taking a shape not even suggestive of personal en- 
richment to yourself, and intimating that it be applied to the main- 
tenance of the City Vigilance League. 

We will be glad to place in your name as trustee this tribute 
of our fellow citizens in order that the City Vigilance League shall 
be maintained in accordance with a deed of trust, subject to such 
precautions and limitations as in your judgment will best subserve 
your object — the attainment and establishment of municipal reform. 

In hearty sympathy with your design, 
Respectfully, 

Horace Porter, 
Edward King, 
Charles Lanier, 
James A. Scrymser, 
J. Kennedy Tod, 
Advisory Committee, Dr. Parkhurst Testimonial. 

Dr. Parkhurst replied to this letter as follows: 

122 



No. 133 East 35TH Street, 

New York, May 20, 1895. 

James A. Scrymser, Esq., 

General Horace Porter, and others. 

Members of the Advisory Committee of the Dr. Parkhurst Testimonial. 

Gentlemen : 

I have the honor to acknowledge your communication 
of the 3rd instant and to express to you my appreciation of the service 
which, as an Advisory Committee, you have consented to assume in 
the matter of the Memorial Fund. 

Permit me to convey through you to the kind donors who 
have made me their debtor an acknowledgment of obligation both in 
my own behalf and, more particularly, in behalf of the City Vigilance 
League and the great cause of municipal reform which that League 
represents. I cordially accept the trust which it is your proposition 
to commit to me and will discharge its responsibilities in accordance 
with the intention indicated by your letter and prescribed by my 
reply of December 11, 1894. 

In my reply above referred to occurs the statement that 
"the League represents the continuance of that straight line of recti- 
tude and individual self-regardlessness needed in order to win the vic- 
tory of November and just as much needed in order to render the 
fruits of that victory an abiding possession." 

A straight line is exceedingly straight. If we are quick to 
detect respects in which it has been deviated from, we are just as quick 
to recognize the forward steps that have been taken and the gain that 
has been made. But whatever the construction which we may put 
upon the present situation, it is evident that we are, as yet, only at 
the beginning of a long, hard, and uncompromising fight for munici- 
pal home rule and for the administration of municipal affairs by 
men of unimpeachable integrity, who will determine their policy by 
the requirements of the city and who will treat the intrusion of par- 
tisan schemes as an intolerable impertinence. 

It is upon this ground that the City Vigilance League is es- 
tablished and along this line that it will work, and in its behalf, I 
repeat my expression of indebtedness to all, of whatever religious or 
political faith, who by their kindly and generous contributions to 
the Memorial Fund have helped to facilitate the work of the League 
and to encourage it in its piu-suit of those ends so dear to the heart 
of every man, who loves his city for its own sake. 

Yours very sincerely, 

C. H. Parkhxjrst. 

I do not think that I can close this article on Dr. Parkhurst's 
campaign in any better way than by copying an editorial from 

123 



The Evening Post of New York, November lo, 1894, after the 
election of Mayor Strong. I quote it in full : 

Few people are aware (because they have short memories) 
how much Mr. De Lacey NicoU has inadvertently contributed to 
the tremendous overthrow of Tammany. 

In the month of February, 1892, the Rev. Dr. Parkhurst 
preached a sermon in which he said that the District Attorney was 
not doing his duty, that well-known violators of the law went un- 
punished, and that the only conceivable reason was that they had a 
"pull" of some kind on the public authorities. Mr. Nicoll was at 
this time the District Attorney. He brought Dr. Parkhurst's sermon 
to the attention of a Tammany grand jury, and this discerning body 
instead of indicting the law-breakers, sent for Dr. Parkhurst and 
asked him what he meant. He replied that he had spoken only from 
public rumor, but that he believed that what he said was true. The 
grand jury thereupon passed a public censure upon him, and the word 
was freely passed around that Dr. Parkhurst would be driven out of 
the city. 

Being thus challenged. Dr. Parkhurst addressed himself to 
the task of procuring evidence that would be admissible even before 
a Tammany jury. His first adventure was an unsavory one, but 
everybody can see now that it was necessary. The facts that he and 
Mr. Langdon Erving were enabled to lay before the grand jury were 
so much worse than thej^ had expected to find that something must 
needs be done by the District Attorney. A prosecution of the keepers 
of the disreputable houses followed, and it was made very hot for 
Parkhurst and Erving, who were called into court from day to day 
and paraded in the newspapers till it seemed to most people as though 
they were really the ones on trial. But it was established that 
blackmailing of the disreputable women by the police was one of the 
regular features of the business. Parkhurst was now getting his 
innings, but he had only begun. The fight has gone on from that 
day to this, with an ever-increasing volume of testimony and an 
ever-rising tide of public indignation. 

Mr. Nicoll got tired and withdrew, and, in the language of 
the poet of the Sierras, "the subsequent proceedings interested him 
no more." He gave way to Mr. Fellows, and resumed his private 
practice, but the battle went on all the same until last Tuesday, when 
the thundering victory for decent and honest government took place. 
Mr. Nicoll made himself largely responsible for the result by "waking 
up the wrong passenger." If he had not laid that sermon before 
the grand jury, and if that complacent body had not censured Dr. 
Parkhurst for preaching it, very likely Tammany would still be in con- 

124 



trol of this metropolis. Mr. Nicoll can now see the significance of the 
Presbyterian hymn which says: 

"O Lord, on what a slender thread 
"Hang everlasting things." 



Note by Author 



T 



HK foregoing article was submitted to Dr. Parkhurst, for his 
criticism. The following letter was received in response: 

HOTEL ANSONIA 
73RD Street and Broadway, 
New York City. 

Nov. 30, 1914. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq., 
66 Broadway, 
City. 
My Dear Mr. Scrymser: 

I have read your historical sketch with gratification 
and with grateful surprise. There is nothing to be added to it and 
nothing subtracted; and no emendations. The determining part 
which you played at the psychological moment the public little sus- 
pected. The "Monday morning in June" has always been a pre- 
eminently bright spot in my memory of the two years' struggle. 
And as for Langdon Erving, too much prominence cannot possibly 
be given to the moral heroism evinced by him all the way through. 
I trust poor Nicoll will have an opportunity to read at least the 
closing paragraph. Fellows (Nicoll's successor) would have been 
too keen to commit so far-reaching a blunder. 

Yours with warm esteem and grateful regard, 

(Signed) C. H. PARKHxmsT. 



125 



Public Schools in New York 



IN 1894 I was Vice-President of the New York Association for 
Improving the Condition of the Poor. At a meeting of the 
Board of that Association, I read a cHpping from the New York 
World to the effect that there were, at that time, ten thousand 
children in the City of New York (Borough of Manhattan) who 
could not obtain sittings in the public schools. 

A School Inspector, a member of the Board, promptly denied 
the correctness of the World's statement and stoutly maintained 
that there were ample accommodations for the children of school 
age in the public school buildings of New York. 

Despite the disclaimer of the School Inspector, it seemed to 
me that the statement of The World called for some action by 
our Board and, accordingly, I offered a motion that a special com- 
mittee be appointed to thoroughly investigate the true condition 
in regard to the seating capacity of the public schools. The 
motion was carried and the special committee appointed, I being 
made its Chairman. The day following my appointment, I called 
at the office of the Board of Education and there had an interview 
with the Auditor of the Board, Major Balch. I explained what I 
wanted but the Major replied that, under the rules of the Board of 
Education, he was not permitted to discuss such questions in the 
offfce. He generously volunteered, however, to call at my house 
and give me some information on the subject. 

He dined with us a few evenings later and we discussed the 
question of school accommodations very fully. Major Balch 
brought with him an official statement which Mayor Grant 
had published on the subject. I found the statement some- 
what vague, and I judged, from my conversation with Major 
Balch, that the reports and estimates which had been laid before 
the Board of Education, for the Board's information, were mainly 
mere guesswork. 

It was clear to me that Major Balch was convinced that, in- 

126 



stead of ten thousand, there were at least one hundred thousand 
children at that time who could not be accommodated in the public 
schools. Major Balch told me that during the entire two terms of 
Mayor Grace only eight thousand sittings had been added to the 
school system, despite the fact that statistics of the Health De- 
partment showed that the natural annual growth of the school 
population had been, for several years, over ten thousand. The 
Major told me that both in Boston and in Chicago a school census 
had been taken annually for a number of years and that New York, 
up to that time, had never taken a school census. I learned after- 
wards that the cost of such a census in Boston was about ^3,000 and 
in Chicago, less than $12,000. 

Personally, I gathered considerable information upon the 
subject, for inclusion in our Committee's report to the Association. 
The information all tended to show that there were, at that time, 
over one hundred thousand children in the city who could not be 
accommodated in the public schools. 

The data which I had secured from Major Balch, and from 
other sources, were finally submitted to a committee of influential 
gentlemen, who were astounded at the disclosures. Together, we 
arranged for a meeting at Carnegie Hall to give proper publicity 
to the matter. The meeting was a success and proved to be a 
mighty force in awakening the pubhc to a knowledge of the true 
condition of affairs. Hon. James C. Carter presided and, upon 
assuming the duties of Chairman, made a telling address and an 
appeal in behalf of the public schools of New York. He was 
followed by Rev. Dr. James M. King, Hon. Frederick W. Holls, 
Bishop Andrews and, finally, Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, ex-Mayor of 
New York. 

Mayor Hewitt made a speech quite up to his high-water mark. 
There was one stinging epigram in it. Speaking of the children 
shut out of the public schools and growing up in ignorance, he 
said: "They are being prepared for a career of crime — or politics." 
There was a little pathos in Mr. Hewitt's voice as he boasted that 
he was a public school boy — had never attended any other — -and 
that he had won admission to the grammar school of Columbia 
College as a prize boy and had won also a public school scholarship 
in Columbia College. "Not as an act of charity," he passionately 
declared, "but as an assertion of my right." 

127 



At the meeting in question sub-committees were appointed, 
composed of Hon. Levi P. Morton, Hon. James C. Carter, Hon. 
William L. Strong, Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, R. Fulton Cutting, 
J. Augustus Johnson, Rev. Dr. James M. King, Charles Loring 
Brace, Dorman B. Eaton, William H. Parsons, William Fellowes 
Morgan, Wheeler H. Peckham, Rev. Wm. R. Huntington, D.D., 
Cornelius N. Bliss and many others of like prominence. Through 
the powerful influence of these well-known citizens, wide-spread 
interest was awakened, which continues to this day, in behalf of 
our public schools. 

Hugh J. Grant was Mayor of New York at this time and I 
imagine that he did not find much comfort in reading the accounts 
of the meeting. Progress was slow in Mayor Grant's adminis- 
tration, but when Grant was succeeded by William L. Strong we 
knew that earnest efforts would be made to better conditions. 
Mayor Strong was my neighbor at Seabright and I had frequent 
opportunities to discuss with him this matter of public school ac- 
commodations. He became greatly interested in the subject from 
the start and one of his earliest official acts was to order a school 
census to be taken by the police. Of course, there was strenuous 
opposition to the use of the police for this purpose and much 
"righteous indignation" over the expense involved — for blanks, 
stationery and pencils! Mayor Strong announced that he would 
personally pay all of these expenses out of his own pocket and this 
he did later — bills to the amount of $ 1,000 as I now recall. 

Naturally, a census taken by the police could not be absolutely 
accurate; the result showed, however, that the Auditor of the 
Board of Education was quite correct in his estimates and con- 
firmed my surmise that the shortage of accommodations in the 
public schools of New York City largely exceeded one hundred 
thousand sittings. 

The first official school census taken in New York was in the 
year 1895 and was the result of the new law requiring the taking 
of a school census every two years, passed mainly through the ef- 
forts of the New York Association for Improving the Condition 
of the Poor. This official census fully substantiated the census 
taken by the police. By the official census, it was found, if I 
remember correctly, that there were fifty thousand children be- 

128 



tween the ages of eight and sixteen who could not have been ac- 
commodated in the pubHc schools if a compulsory attendance law 
were in force. Adding to this figure the number of children be- 
tween five and seven years of age, there would have been a total 
population of children of school age in excess of accommodations 
estimated at one hundred and thirty-three thousand children. 
The Board of Managers all realized that it was useless to fight 
poverty when the children of the poor were thus neglected. 

Mayor Strong was most active in his efforts to provide 
sufficient sittings for all of the children of school age. During his 
administration, appropriations of many million dollars were made 
to this end and like large appropriations have been made ever 
since. I am told that the total amount appropriated for new pub- 
lic schools, from the time of Mayor Strong to the present, amounts 
to millions of dollars. Notwithstanding this enormous expendi- 
ture, we read in the press every year that accommodations are 
still inadequate and that many scholars can be cared for only half 
a day. 

The City of New York and, particularly, the boys and girls 
of New York, owe an immense debt of gratitude to Mayor Strong. 
His interest in the public school system of New York and his work 
to better conditions have never been appreciated. If the public 
schools had been forced to depend upon Tammany's support, it 
is probable that tens of thousands of children would have been 
deprived of the education which the American public school system 
guarantees to them. I count it an especial privilege, in this book 
of a few personal reminiscences, to call to mind the great service 
which William L. Strong, as Mayor, rendered to the people of New 
York, and I only regret that those services cannot be given the 
full publicity which they deserve. I repeat, that Mayor Strong 
was most active in his efforts to provide sufficient sittings for all 
of the children and am glad to "put in the record" a letter which 
I received from Mayor Strong: 

City of New York, 
Office of the Mayor, 

November 27, 1896. 

Dear Mr. Scrymser: 

Referring to the conversation on the occasion of your 

Committee's recent call upon me at the City Hall, in the matter 

129 



of public schools, I write to supplement it and explain more fully my 
ideas in the matter of providing ample and suitable school accommo- 
dations for all children who desire to attend. And in doing this I 
am fully sensible of the very keen interest which you have always 
manifested in the work of the various charitable organizations 
throughout the City, and of the splendid results accomplished through 
these agencies. 

The recent letter I addressed to the chm-ches of this City, 
through their pastors and trustees, had a double purpose. First: I 
sought to provide immediate accommodations for all the school chil- 
dren in this City, and the second and no less important reason in my 
mind was to arouse the interest of our citizens throughout the 
churches and elsewhere to the vital necessity of this City's providing 
such thorough school facilities that no child might be deprived of the 
benefits of our common school system. 

It is perfectly apparent that to provide sufi&cient school 
accommodations will necessitate an increased expenditure of the 
City's money above what it has been customary to make during 
recent years. It is not unlikely that such an expenditure would in- 
crease the tax rate. Nor, on the other hand, is it a debatable propo- 
sition that the city of New York must not fall behind other cities in 
the respect that it can and should furnish not only the physical ac- 
commodations necessary for housing every child of a school age, but 
maintain a system of education second to none. I believe that in 
pursuing such a course it would, in fact, be economical for the City, 
as it would rob the almshouses and charitable institutions of many 
of their inmates, and establish a feeling of pride and progress in the 
rising generation that would make them self-respecting and self- 
supporting. 

Until the last day of my administration, and even thereafter, 
I intend in every possible way to keep the subject of otu" public 
schools before our citizens, and to leave no effort unmade to make the 
school buildings and the school system of New York what it should 
be: first and foremost in the country. 

In such a line of conduct I know I have yoiu" support, and 
believe that these efforts will commend themselves to every thought- 
ful conscientious and patriotic citizen. 

Very respectfully yours, 

W. L. Strong, Mayor. 
James A. Scrymser, Esq., Chairman. 

Many wondered at the time why such indifference was shown 
to the welfare of the children of school age and why proper ac- 
commodation for all of the children was not provided. 

130 



Over one hundred thousand children deprived of an education ! 
If these children could not be properly provided for, where were 
they to turn? Well, from subsequent events, I judge that it was 
planned to send many of them to the parochial schools and to give 
to the latter certain financial support, which the public schools 
had failed to receive, prior to the election of Mayor Strong. As an 
evidence of this, let me cite the fact that the Rev. Dr. James M. 
King, who had gone to Albany as an agent of our Special Com- 
mittee to promote a School Census Bill for all of the large cities in 
the State of New York, accidentally discovered a most ingenious 
scheme of legislation, intended to benefit the Parochial Schools. 

It was in early December that Dr. King discovered the two 
Bills in the Legislature, to which I refer. The first Bill provided 
for an appropriation of State funds to be disbiu-sed in all school 
districts where the public school accommodations were found to be 
insufficient! The appropriation was to be upon a per capita basis, 
figured on the average annual cost of each pupil in the public 
schools for the year previous. The second Bill was a compulsory 
attendance act, providing that all school children of school age 
should be compelled, from the first of January next, to apply for 
school sittings. It is unnecessary to point out that this well 
planned scheme, to call it by no other name, would have met 
with the approval of the public, the latter probably being willing 
to accept parochial schools rather than no schools at all. For- 
tunately this ingenious scheme was discovered in time, and, as 
will be seen, was defeated. 

It was about this time that the Hon. Levi P. Morton was over- 
whelmingly elected Governor of New York, on the Republican 
ticket. At that election the voters authorized the holding of a 
Constitutional Convention. Among the New York City delegates 
to this convention were Hon. Joseph H. Choate, Hon. Klihu Root, 
Hon. John Bigelow and others of prominence. The attention of 
the convention was called to the legislative scheme which I have 
mentioned, allowing the Parochial Schools to receive State money 
by authority of the State Legislature. 

Our representative, the Rev. Dr. King, appeared before the 
convention and presented the matter so forcibly and so ably that 
a proposed amendment to the Constitution was prepared, pro- 

131 



hibiting the use of public moneys for either sectarian or charitable 
societies. The meetings of the Convention were, in consequence, 
besieged by priests from all over the State and these priests did 
everything possible to prevent the adoption of anything which 
would interfere with the proposed State appropriation for sec- 
tarian schools or charities. 

I have been told by those who were present at the Convention 
that the original amendment, which included charities, was doomed 
to defeat and that only through the skilful action of the Chairman, 
Mr. Choate, and Mr. Root, on the floor, was the proposed amend- 
ment re-committed and finally reported with the charities feature 
eliminated. The re-drafted amendment was confined exclusively 
to the prohibition of the use of State moneys for sectarian schools, 
and, even then, was adopted by only a bare majority of the dele- 
gates. It was a fight and we were successful but by a mighty 
slender margin. 

Hon. Frederick W. Holls was the author of the amendment to 
the Constitution. The clause read: 

(From the Amended New York State Constitution.) 

Article IX. Section i. The Legislature shall provide for 
the maintenance and support of a system of free common schools, 
wherein all the children of this State may be educated. 

Section 4. Neither the State nor any subdivision thereof, 
shall use its property or credit or any public money, or authorize or 
permit either to be used, directly or indirectly, in aid or maintenance, 
other than for examination or inspection of any school or institution 
of learning wholly or in part under the control or direction of any 
religious denomination, or in which any denominational tenet or 
doctrine is taught. 

It is to be hoped that the clause will remain in the Constitution 
of the State of New York for all time. 

We had planned this fight at a meeting at my house at which 
Bishop Henry C. Potter presided. At that meeting we raised an 
ample fund for expenses. 

Sixteen years later, in 19 12, I received a letter from an old 
friend and co-worker, Mr. J. Augustus Johnson, which brought to 
mind our early fight for the public schools of New York. Perhaps 
it will not be out of place for me to publish Mr. Johnson's letter. 

Here it is: 

132 



The Legal Aid Society 

New York, Oct. 21, 1912. 
Mr. James A. Scrymser, 
66 Broadway, 

New York City. 
My Dear Mr. Scrymser: 

Your continued interest in the public schools of New 
York encourages me to enlist your co-operation in securing an ade- 
quate force of teachers -in the night schools for the instruction of the 
English language to resident immigrants. The proposed budget for 
the City is now under consideration, and it is feared that the pro- 
vision for twenty-eight additional teachers for such night schools will 
be stricken out from motives of economy. 

You first called my attention to the needs of the school 
system many years ago, when the schools lacked playgrounds, ade- 
quate seating capacity, capable trustees and ventilation, and to the 
proximity of saloons and other corrupting influences. At your re- 
quest, I attended and spoke at a large meeting held at Carnegie Hall, 
for the promotion of a school census. You will remember, too, that 
as President of the Good Government Club Council, and of Club E, I 
named a Committee on Public Schools, whose auxiliary committee of 
seven ladies blossomed into the Public School Association, with seven 
hundred members of great activity and usefulness. Among other re- 
sults was an appropriation of fifteen millions for the public school 
system of the City made by the Legislature. 

It was your quiet and pervasive influence in building up the 
modem school system that gave the needed impetus and stimulus to 
the great reforms which followed, and I hope you may long be spared 
to see that system fully developed and made available for the millions 
of immigrants who must be instructed to prevent their becoming a 
menace. 

Yoiu-s sincerely, 

J. Augustus Johnson, 

of South Orange, N. J. 

The outcome of the campaign for the enlargement and better- 
ment of pubUc school facilities in New York City was an awaken- 
ing of wide-spread interest in the entire school system and resulted 
in the organization of the original Public School Association, to 
which Mr. Johnson refers in his letter, in the Kindergarten Associ- 
ation, the Vacation Schools and in many other organizations formed 
for the welfare of teachers and scholars. 

One good work, resulting from the campaign, I feel that I 

133 



must mention, and that is, the association which was planned and 
managed so efficiently by Miss Grace H. Dodge, Miss Helen 
Iselin, Mrs. Edward R. Hewitt, Miss S. M. Minturn, and Miss 
Jane B. Potter. This association provided art students and school 
teachers with a free round trip of ten days to the World's Fair, 
at Chicago. In all, one hundred and sixty-six women were pro- 
vided for. The trips were taken under the guidance of capable 
matrons both in New York and Chicago. In Chicago a furnished 
house was secured and the tourists were provided with every com- 
fort. Every detail was superbly managed and even the departure 
of trains from New York was so timed that each party had a 
morning view of Niagara Falls. Each tourist was provided with 
an accident insurance policy, covering all risks from the time of 
leaving until the return to New York. Happily not an accident 
of any kind occurred to any of the guests of the Association. 

Mention is made of this interest in the art student and teacher 
because it was undoubtedly the beginning of a wider interest 
which has since been evidenced all over the country in the welfare 
of the teacher as well as of the scholar. Parent and Teachers' 
associations now exist throughout the land and are doing much 
to improve the relations between teacher and scholar and to 
foster cooperation between the home and the school. 

Much of this work for school betterment and wider interest 
in the schools had its origin in the reading of the clipping from the 
New York World mentioned on page 126. 



134 



Vacation Schools 



WHEN I was Vice-President of the New York Association for 
Improving the Condition of the Poor, I had the privilege of 
inaugurating the first Summer Vacation Schools. I was opposed 
by certain members of the Board on the ground that solicitation 
for funds to pay the expenses of these Vacation Schools would im- 
pair the regular contributions upon which the Association depended. 
Happily, the public subscribed several thousand dollars in excess 
of the estimated expenses and the solicitation for funds did not 
impair, in any way, the regular contributions toward the Associ- 
ation's work. 

The first Vacation Schools were started in the Summer of 
1894. The Board of Education assigned to our Association four 
school buildings, the Association agreeing to pay all expenses, for 
janitors, teachers, etc. The schools were open for six weeks and 
there was an attendance of 28,000 out of 31,000 enrolled. The 
total cost was less than $4,000. The Vacation Schools were a 
success from the start. In 1895 the Board of Education gave us 
the use of six school buildings. 

I endeavored to keep the work entirely independent of any so- 
called "Fresh Air Work." After the closing of the schools it was 
arranged that the "Vacation School" children should have an 
outing to Coney Island, to be paid for by private subscription. 

I remember that we charged the children of ten years and over 
ten cents each for the excursion and the children under ten years 
five cents, we paying all other expenses, and I have always felt 
that the wonderful success of these excursions was due to the fact 
that the children themselves contributed toward the cost of the 
same. I have neither time nor space to speak of the great success 
of these Vacation Schools. To-day there are many in the City of 
New York and, following New York's example, similar schools 
have been established in all of the large cities of the United States 
and Canada and, to a large extent, in England and her colonies. 

135 



When I suggested such sessions, I was impressed by the fact that 
all of our school buildings were standing unoccupied in the Summer 
months, yet the children were running in the streets, with nowhere 
else to go. I felt that by opening the school buildings the children 
would have an opportunity for recreation as well as for instruction. 
We are gradually learning much in this country in the matter of 
a wider use of our public school buildings. 

The splendidly equipped Manual Training and Vocational 
Schools throughout the country, the great Recreation Centers in 
the large cities, and the marvelous Playgrounds, established in 
hundreds of places, undoubtedly had their inception in the Vaca- 
tion School movement inaugurated, as I have described, over 
twenty years ago. 



136 




11 liifilLtiilaiite 







UNITED CHARITIES BUILDING, NEW YORK CITY 



United Chanties Building 



5H0RTLY after I became a member of the Board of Managers 
of the New York Association for Improving the Condition of 
the Poor, I became deeply impressed with the fact that the Associ- 
ation's headquarters at 79 Fourth Avenue was wholly inadequate 
for its growing work. At a Board meeting, in the Summer of 1892, 
I referred to this fact and strongly advocated the securing of new 
and larger quarters. I had long been of the opinion that the in- 
fluential charity organizations in the city, each specializing in a 
measure, could do far better administrative work if they were all 
quartered in one building, a building confined exclusively to the 
work of charitable societies ; in other words, a UNITED CHARI- 
TIES BUILDING. 

My propositions — for new quarters and a United Charities 
Building — met with instant favor and the Board appointed a 
Special Committee to confer with like special committees from the 
other societies who were to be invited to join in the conference. 
These other societies were the Charity Organization Society, the 
Children's Aid Society and the City Mission and Tract Society, 
and their respective managers were equally enthusiastic over the 
project. 

Our Joint Committee was successful in raising $160,000 when, 
unfortunately, the upset in financial circles, caused by the failure 
of Baring Brothers and Company of London, put a stop to any 
further subscriptions. At about this time, I was lunching at the 
Downtown Club with Robert W. deForest, another member of the 
Joint Committee, and both of us were in a depressed state of mind 
because of our failure to raise the required $500,000 for our United 
Charities Building. We discussed pros and cons, ways and means, 
but without avail. Dm-ing our conversation, I was surprised to 
see Mr. deForest suddenly leave the table. As he left he hurriedly 
remarked to me "There is the man we want," pointing to one of 
New York's foremost citizens, John S. Kennedy. 

137 



Mr. deForest rejoined me shortly with a smile on his face, 
telling me that Mr. Kennedy had said that our United Charities 
Building project should not fail and that, if we would find a suitable 
location, he (Mr. Kennedy) would personally undertake the es- 
tablishment of a suitable building. This news was certainly good 
news and was received with delight. Within a week, we had se- 
cured an option on five city lots, on the comer of Fourth Avenue 
and Twenty-second Street and, within a year thereafter, the United 
Charities Building was completed and occupied by the Charity 
Organization Society, the Children's Aid Society, the City Mission 
and Tract Society and the New York Association for Improving 
the Condition of the Poor. 

Later, the original building and subsequent additions were 
formally deeded to the four organizations which I have named, as 
a gift from Mr. Kennedy, the said organizations agreeing to share 
jointly in the expense of repairs and upkeep, as well as to participate 
in all rentals from other charitable societies admitted as ten- 
ants in the building. This magnificent gift of John S. Kennedy, 
costing over one million dollars, has been of imtold value to the 
charitable institutions of New York City, promoting, as it has, 
co-operation and close association, thus making possible both re- 
duced expenses and largely increased facilities for the carrying on 
of the charitable work of New York. 



138 



> 2 
w n 

o w 




Memorial Building in Washington 



To the Memory of the Heroic Women of the Civil War 
To be Occupied Permanently by the American Red Cross 



ON page 13, I mentioned that my friend General Barlow, just 
before his death, prophesied that the time would come when 
one of the finest monuments in the country would be built to the 
memory of the women of the Civil War and I promised him that 
I would do all I could to further that project. 

Many times the memory of this conversation came back to 
me and, in the Fall of 191 1, I determined to see what I could do 
toward the fulfilment of General Barlow's prophesy and my prom- 
ise to him. Accordingly, on October 4, 1911,1 attended a meeting 
of the Commandery of the State of New York of the MiHtary 
Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, of which Com- 
mandery I was a member. Toward the end of the meetimg, when 
new buisness was in order, I told my companions of the Loyal 
Legion of my last interview with General Barlow and, also, what 
I knew of the services and sacrifices of Mrs. Barlow and other 
loyal northern women in the Civil War. 

Recalling General Barlow's prophesy, I proposed that the 
New York Commandery of the Loyal Legion should take the in- 
itiative and laimch a project for the building of a National Monu- 
ment in the City of Washington to the memory of the loyal women 
who, in the Civil War, as mothers and wives so heroically devoted 
themselves to our sick and wounded soldiers on the battlefield 
and in the hospital. I proposed that the sum of five hundred 
thousand dollars be raised to build such a monument, and per- 
sonally guaranteed fifty thousand dollars upon condition that 
three hundred thousand dollars be raised within one year from 

139 



that date. The proposal met with the instant favor of my com- 
panions and a Resolution was formally adopted to further the 
project. 

It was voted to place the project in the hands of a Special 
Committee, to be termed the Committee on Ways and Means. 
Of this Committee, I was made the Chairman and my associates 
were Major-General Frederick D. Grant, General Thomas H. 
Hubbard, General J. Fred Pierson, Major J. Langdon Ward, 
Lieut. Loyall Farragut and Lieut. Thomas Sturgis. The Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means voted to send a copy of the Resolution 
to the Loyal Legion Commanderies of the country, to the Grand 
Army of the Republic, to the Woman's Relief Corps of the Grand 
Army of the Republic and to all kindred associations, asking all 
to co-operate with the Commandery of the State of New York in 
the collecting of subscriptions for the building of the Monument. 

A Committee of Patriotic Citizens, embracing the prominent 
men and women of New York, was formed to give impetus and 
publicity to the project. Thousands of circulars were dispatched 
all over the country, giving details of the project and quoting in 
full an eloquent address by the Hon. James M. Beck, entitled 
"The American Women in the Civil War," delivered at the Dinner 
of the New York Commandery of the Loyal Legion held at Del- 
monico's, October 4, 191 1. 

In addition to the above the following appeals were mailed 
broadcast, the first addressed "To All Patriotic Men and Women," 
and the second to the "Veteran Soldiers and Sailors of the Civil 
War;" the latter through the indirect but friendly co-operation of 
the Pension Bureau in Washington. These patriotic appeals 
were both composed by my friend, Hon. H. D. Estabrook, of New 
York. 



140 



Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States 

CoMMANDERY OF THB STATE OF New York 

Headquarters, No. 140 Nassau Street, New York, N. V. 

Telephone 4474 Beekman 



TO HELP TO BUILD 

® (Jtattonaf (gtonument in iU Cit:^ of WciB^ington 

TO THE MEMORY OF 

THE LOYAL WOMEN OF THE CIVIL WAR 
WHO SERVED IN THEIR HOMES. ON THE BATTLE-FIELDS. AND IN THE HOSPITALS 



TO ALL PATRIOTIC MEN AND WOMEN 

THIS project has lain dormant in the public conscience for fifty years 
awaiting some initiative to bring it to fruition. Every patriotic 
citizen of the United States should heartily approve the undertaking; and 
it follows that if each will express his, or her, approval by a contribution, 
however small, the necessary funds will be forthcoming, and the monument 
will be built to stand for all time a worthy symbol of the Nation's gratitude. 
TTiis appeal for funds is national — to each and to every one ! 

Respectfully submitted, 

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS. 

MAJOR-GENERAL FREDERICK D. GRANT 

GENERAL THOMAS H. HUBBARD 

GENERAL J. FRED PIERSON 

MAJOR J. LANGDON WARD 

CAPT. JAMES A. SCRYMSER 

LIEUT. LOYALL FARRAGUT 

LIEUT. THOMAS STURGIS 

Contributions may be forwarded to the Secretary and Treasurer, 

A. Noel Blakeman, Recorder, 

140 Nassau Street, New York City , 
By check or postal money order. 

141 



Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States 

COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK 

Headquarters, No. 140 Nassau Street, New York, N. Y. 
Telephone 4474 Beekman 



attention ! ! 



VETERAN SOLDIERS AND SAILORS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 
WE ASK FOR FUNDS TO BUILD 

@, (lUtionaf (Qlonument in t^e Cxi^ of ^(XB^xno^on 

TO THE MEMORY OF 
THE LOYAL WOMEN OF THE CIVIL WAR 

WHO SERVED IN THEIR HOMES, ON THE BATTLE-FIELDS. AND IN THE HOSPITALS 



COMRADES: 

These women were yours — your mothers, your sisters, and your wives. 
You know that they were your co-equals in labor and more than your 
equals in bitterness of sorrow ; for in your absence at the front they bore 
your burdens on their shoulders and your sufferings in their hearts. Will 
you quit the battle-field of life and leave no enduring expression of your 
appreciation ? Here is your holy privilege, not to be relegated to others. 
Give, therefore, as you are able ; give even from your poverty. Give now, 
for the last roll-call is near. Forgetfulness is injustice. Remembrance is 
a sacred duty. 

Fraternally yours, 

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS. 

MAJOR-GENERAL FREDERICK D. GRANT 

GENERAL THOMAS H. HUBBARD 

GENERAL J. FRED PIERSON 

MAJOR J. LANGDON WARD 

CAPT. JAMES A. SCRYMSER 

LIEUT. LOYALL FARRAGUT 

LIEUT. THOMAS STURGIS 

Contributions may be forwarded to the Secretary and Treasurer, 
A. Noel Blakeman, Recorder, 

140 Nassau Street. New York City, 
By check or postal money order. 

142 



We labored strenuously to raise the required amount but in 
the end, were unsuccessful. The other State Commanderies of 
the Loyal Legion, with one or two exceptions, did not support the 
project at all. 

In the original circulars I merely used the words "National 
Monument" and did not undertake to specify just what form this 
monument should take. In the course of time I became of the 
opinion that the most appropriate form for the "finest monument 
in the country" would be an administration building, in Washing- 
ton, for the permanent headquarters of the American Red Cross, 
a building which would stand for all time as a symbol of the 
Nation's gratitude to the loyal women of the Civil War. 

When I saw that the Loyal Legion could not hope to raise the 
required amount, I suggested to the Committee that we make 
arrangements with the American Red Cross for a joint under- 
taking. The Committee concurred and, through Mr. Robert W. 
deForest, the Vice-President of the American Red Cross, arrange- 
ments were finally made whereby the Red Cross was to obtain 
from Congress an appropriation for a proper site in Washington 
for a Monumental Building to be built by the Loyal Legion Com- 
mandery of the State of New York and its friends and to be occu- 
pied and maintained by the American Red Cross as its Head- 
quarters. 

Otu- formal announcement to this effect was as follows: 



143 



^ixnounumttd 



THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS 

of the 

COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK 

of the 

MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION 

OF THE UNITED STATES 

are pleased to annoimce to the members of the New York Com- 
mandery and to all interested in the project for 

^ (Jldtiondf (Btonument in tU CUt^ of ^(XB^inc^on 

TO THE MEMORY OF 
THE LOYAL WOMEN OF THE CIVIL WAR, WHO 
SERVED IN THEIR HOMES, ON THE 
BATTLE-FIELDS, AND IN THE HOSPITALS 
that permanent arrangements have been made with 

THE AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS 

whereby the RED CROSS is to obtain from the Congress of the United States 
an appropriation for a proper site for a Monumental BuUding to be buUt by 
the Commandery of the State of New York and its friends, and perpetually 
occupied and maintained by the RED CROSS as its Headquarters, which 
monumental building shall stand for all time as a symbol of the Nation's 
gratitude to the loyal women of the Civil War. 

Thus the patriotic and humane spirit of the women who created the 
Sanitary Commission, which cared for our Soldiers and Sailors during the 
War, descends upon the RED CROSS, which wiU, with its efficient organi- 
zation, care for all sufferers in time of disaster. 

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, 

General Stewart L. Woodford 
General Thomas H. Hubbard 
General J. Fred Pierson 
Major J. Langdon Ward 
Captain James A. Scrymser 
Lieut. Loyall Farragut 
Lieut. Thomas Sturgis 
Captain James A. Scrymser, Chairman 

66 Broadway, N. Y. 
Contributions may be forwarded to the Secretary and Treasurer, 

John L. Merrill, 

Room 1900, 66 Broadway, New York City, 
By check or postal money order. 

144 



I received the following letter from President Taft, heartily- 
approving of the new arrangement: 

THE WHITE HOUSE 

WASHINGTON 

Dear Captain Scrymser: 

I most heartily approve of the project of the Commandery 
of the State of New York of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of 
the United States to build in the City of Washington a National Monu- 
ment to the Memory of the Loyal Women of the Civil War, which 
shall become in perpetuity the headquarters of the American National 
Red Cross. 

Memorials to the men of the Civil War are prominent 
throughout the country, and shall our people be less grateful to the 
women who labored at home, on the battle-field, and in the hospitals 
with a patriotic devotion unexcelled, and who, in giving those they 
loved, made even a greater sacrifice? 

What better monument could we build to those noble 
women than a building at the National Capitol to perpetuate their 
heroic effort to relieve the human suffering which inevitably follows 
war or any great calamity, and which found its first expression in the 
great Sanitary Commission of our Civil War? For it was on women's 
initiative that this Sanitary Commission was inaugurated, and its 
success was largely due to their tireless efforts. The splendid work of 
this American organization was recognized by the Convention of 
Geneva in 1864, when the International Red Cross Treaty was en- 
acted. 

Upon the American Red Cross has fallen the mantle of the 
Sanitary Commission. The loyal and patriotic spirit of the women to 
whom this memorial is built will be forever perpetuated in the humane 
work of the Red Cross, to which they gave the initial impulse. 

As President Lincoln so truly said, "If all that has been said 
by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise of 
women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them 
justice for their conduct during the war." 

I wish the project the success it deserves. 

Very truly yours, 

Wm. H. Taft. 

Captain James A. Scrymser, Chairman, 
66 Broadway, 

New York City. 

It was hoped, and expected, that the plan would appeal to the 
public. 

145 



A Bill was introduced in both Houses of Congress, authorizing 
the Government purchase of such a site upon the raising of the 
sum of $300,000 by the Commandery of the State of New York for 
the building, the latter sum having been guaranteed. 

The original appropriation for the site was fixed at $300,000 
but the Library Committee of the Senate and the House Com- 
mittee on Public Buildings and Grounds voluntarily increased this 
sum to $400,000. Both of these committees were much interested 
in the memorial project and, also, in the great work of the American 
Red Cross, at home and abroad, and appeared to appreciate 
thoroughly the appropriateness of the memorial and the need of 
such headquarters. 

A Bill appropriating the sum of $400,000 unanimously passed 
the United States Senate on August 12, 19 12, and the Committee 
on Public Buildings and Grounds unanimously and favorably ap- 
proved a like Bill in the House of Representatives, thus placing 
the same on the calendar for the consideration of the House at its 
next Session in December, 19 12. It was unfortunate for the proj- 
ect that the Bill in question went over to that Session. On the 
night of February 26, 1913, the Bill was discussed in the Senate 
three and one-half hours. The debate was largely on the retention 
of the word "Loyal," and a new bill was substituted, excluding 
"The Loyal Women of the Civil War" and the Loyal Legion by a 
vote of forty ayes to twenty-four nays. Senator Root finally 
succeeded in having the latter vote reconsidered and secured the 
passage of the original Bill by a vote of thirty ayes to twenty nays 
and the appropriation was placed in the Senate Appropriation 
Bill, which, in turn, was referred to the Committee of Conferees 
from both bodies. It was there defeated by a majority voting 
to omit the obnoxious word "Loyal." 

We, of the Loyal Legion, finally concluded to abandon the 
project because of the adverse action of Congress. 

Our formal withdrawal is embodied in the attached letter 
which I addressed to Miss Mabel T. Boardman of the American 
\ Red Cross: 



146 



<2^ommanberg of t^t ^iafc of (Uct» ^orft 

QCpififarg ^rber of f^e feogaf Itegton 

of f 6e (Untfeb ^fafee 

COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS 

Office of Chairman 

CAPTAIN JAMES A. SCRYMSER 

66 Broadway, New York 

Telephone, 649 Rector 

March 20th, 1913. 
Miss Mabel T. Boardman: 

Member of the Executive Committee, 
American Red Cross, 

State, War and Navy Building, 
Washington, D. C, 

My Dear Miss Boardman: 

The recent debate in Congress and the action of the Con- 
ference Committee in defeating the Senate Bill, providing for a Me- 
morial to the Memory of the Loyal Women of the Civil War, because of 
the inclusion in the Bill of the word "Loyal," forces me to the con- 
clusion that further effort in Congress upon the part of the Loyal 
Legion wiU endanger the welfare of the American Red Cross. 

It is unnecessary for me to say to you that this conclusion is 
reached with painful regret upon the part of myself and my associates. 

The project, in its inception, was based upon the highest pa- 
triotic motives and it is deplorable that those very motives should be 
the cause of its defeat and that our efforts to pay a long deferred debt 
of gratitude to the memory of the loyal women of the Civil War, to 
whom the Nation and we owe so much, should have been frustrated 
in such a manner. 

Under these circumstances, it would be unwise to allow the 
Memorial project to interfere, in any way, with the future of the 
American Red Cross and, in consequence, the Loyal Legion does, with 
deep regret, hereby withdraw entirely from any connection with the 
American Red Cross, for the reason that, if continued, the American 
Red Cross and the services of the noble, loyal women of the Civil 
War, might again become the battleground of an unjust and acrimo- 
nious debate. 

I, therefore, ask that your Executive Committee accept this 
formal withdrawal of the Commandery of the State of New York of 
the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States from its 
association with the American Red Cross and that your Board will 
accept, at the same time, our most hearty thanks for the devoted 
services which you and your associates have rendered to the good 
work, which we have all had so much at heart. 

147 



With a personal expression of my sincere appreciation of 
your unselfish and devoted work and my deep regret over the out- 
come, I am, 

Very sincerely yours, 

JAMES A. SCRYMSER, 

Chairman. 

The subscriptions were returned to the original subscribers 
and our Loyal Legion project was abandoned. 

I wish to record my sincere appreciation of the untiring patri- 
otic efforts of the Hon. Elihu Root, Senator from New York, and 
Hon. Theodore E. Burton, Senator from Ohio, who so ably sup- 
ported the project at all times. Also, my warm appreciation of 
the services of Miss Mabel T. Boardman, of the American Red 
Cross, who labored loyally and zealously for the project. Upon 
my urgent request, Miss Boardman has allowed me to publish her 
picture herewith, upon which she has written 

To Mr. James A. Scrymser with sincere 
gratitude for turning into marble 
a Red Cross castle in the air. 

Miss Boardman asked for my photograph in return and this 
I sent to her, with the following inscription 

Re Building 
In memory of the Heroic Women of the Civil War 
and for 
The American Red Cross 

My dear Miss Boardman; 

In 191 3 you turned defeat into victory and won the ad- 
miration and esteem of your dearest foes. Accept my congratu- 
lations and counterpart. 

James A. Scrymser. 

Although the Loyal Legion was unsuccessful in its original 
plan, I am glad to be able to say that the Memorial Building in 
Washington will be an accomplished fact before many months and 
that it is to be built in accordance with the original plans adopted 
by the Loyal Legion. 

A new Bill was introduced in Congress and, through the ac- 
tivity of Miss Boardman of the American Red Cross, and her 
associates, passed, appropriating the sum of four hundred thousand 



dollars toward the purchase of a site, conditional upon the raising 
of a like amount by the Red Cross for the erection of a building. 
The latter four hundred thousand dollars was contributed by Mrs. 
Russell Sage, Mrs. E. H. Harriman, the Rockefeller Foundation 
and myself. After the passage of the Bill, the desired site was se- 
cured by the American Red Cross. The property fronts on Seven- 
teenth Street, Washington, and is three hundred and two feet wide 
and five hundred and forty feet deep. 

On the opposite page is a photograph of the Memorial Build- 
ing, now under course of construction. It will be a building of 
rare beauty and a fit companion for its nearest neighbors, the 
Corcoran Art Gallery, the Continental Hall of the Daughters of 
the American Revolution and the Pan-American Building. 

The building will bear this inscription. 

TO THE MEMORY OF THE HEROIC WOMEN OF THE 

CIVIL WAR. 

The interior of the building is to bear the following inscription: 

A MEMORIAL 

built by 

The Government of the United States 

and 

Patriotic Citizens 

to 

The Heroic Women of the Civil War, both North 

and South 

Held in Loving Memory 

by 

a Now United Country 

and 

That their labors to mitigate the sufferings of the sick 

and wounded in war may be forever perpetuated this 

Memorial is dedicated to the service of The 

American Red Cross 

The inscription is not, of course, in accord with my original 
suggestion nor with my contention that the United States Govern- 
ment should have specifically honored the women who suffered so 

149 



nobly for its preservation in the dark days of its existence, but I 
shall ever be grateful that the American Red Cross is, at last, to 
have a permanent headquarters, and likewise for the fact that I 
personally was privileged to suggest its establishment. And I 
shall feel that I have partially succeeded in carrying out the 
prophecy of General Barlow and my promise made to that end. 
The Commandery of the State of New York of the Military 
Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States did me the honor on 
May 6, 19 14 to elect me its Senior Vice-Commander, in apprecia- 
tion of the successful creation of the Memorial to the Heroic 
Women of the Civil War, as will be seen by a perusal of the follow- 
ing letter. 

New York, March 4, 1914. 
Captain James A. Scrymser, 

United States Volunteer. 
My dear Companion: 

We can never forget the patriotic work that you did to 
secure a memorial building, to be dedicated to the loyal women of our 
country, and, later your generous gift to the one to be erected in 
Washington. The facts, with more amplified details, I presented 
at our first meeting of the Nominating Committee for Officers of the 
New York Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of 
the United States, this afternoon. 

In offering your name for the position of Senior Vice- 
Commander, I read the inclosed biographical notice, and stated that 
the Commandery would be honored by your acceptance of the office, 
in connection with your association with those of the Memorial 
Committee in Washington. Commander Edwin Stewart, U. S. N. 
(retired), was nominated to succeed himself and you were unani- 
mously nominated to the next highest office. Senior Vice-Commander. 
For the purpose of urging you not to decline I called at your resi- 
dence this afternoon and now write to you hoping that you will accept 
immediately, on the receipt of the official notice from the Recorder. 
Commander Stewart has presided at every meeting of the 
Commandery since he was elected. Even if you only remain on duty 
for one term of office (one year) I sincerely hope that you will permit 
us to place you on record among the highest officers of the largest 
Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the 
United States. On Wednesday next we again meet to receive the 
acceptances and, if possible, complete the duties of the Nominating 
Committee for the year 1914-1915. 

Faithfully yours, 

CharIvES a. LealE, 
Member of the Nominating Committee. 

150 






A formal letter from Commander Charles A. Adams, the 
Secretary of the Nommating Committee, notifying me of my nomi- 
nation, followed the above and on May yth I received the regular 
notification from the Recorder, to the effect that I had been elected 
Senior Vice-Commander. 



LSI 



In ConcI 



onciusion 



IN this relation of incidents and the review of half a century's 
activities, I wish to emphasize one fact, in closing, and that is 
that any successes which may have been achieved, would not have 
been possible had it not been for the zealous co-operation of public- 
spirited citizens and loyal and steadfast friends, a majority of 
whom have since passed away. 

The memory of their cordial support and unselfish co-oper- 
ation will ever be held in grateful remembrance. 

J. A. S. 
New York, February, 19 15. 



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